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ROSIER^S NARRATIVE 



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WATMOUTH'S VOYAGE 



TO THE COAST OF MAINE, 



IN 1605. 



C O 3yC 1= L E T E . 



WITH REMARKS BY GEORGE PRINCE, 



SHOWING THE RIVER EXPLORED TO HAVE BEEN THE 



GEORGES EIYER: 



Together with a Map of the same and the adjacent Islands. 



This interesting narrative is a reprint from the Collections of 1843, of the Massachusetts His- 
torical Society, furnished them by Prof. Sparks, from England — never before published in this 
country. It abounds in glowing and truthful descriptions of our coast, and the manners and 
customs of the natives, as they appeared to these, the first English explorers. 



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BATH: 

EASTERN TIMES PRESS. 
1860. 



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REMARKS 



ON THE SEPARATE CLAIMS OF THE CONTENDING PARTIES WHO FAVOR THE 
KENNEBEC AND PENOBSCOT THEORIES. 



In the summer of 1858, while reading Hosier's Narrative of 
Waymouth's voyage in 1605 to the coast of Maine, as published in 
the 8th vol. of the Mass. Hist. Col. kindly loaned me by the librari- 
an of the Maine His. Society, the suspicions which I had before 
entertained were confirmed, viz., that the forty-mile river there re- 
ferred to, instead of being as all writers and historians had 
heretofore supposed, either the Kennebec or Penobscot, was none 
other than the Georges, the mouth of which is about 50 miles from 
that of the Penobscot, and some 30 miles from the Kennebec. 

Accordingly in August, 1858, I published an article in a weekly 
paper printed at Thomaston, taking the above ground, and giving 
my reasons therefor. This article was inscribed to Cyrus Eaton,. 
Esq., Author of the "Annals of Warren," in which work he adopts 
the prevailing opinions of the time, that the river aforesaid was the 
Penobscot. I knew, however, that Mr. Eaton was a candid man as 
well as a scholar of great historical research, and would give the 
subject a fair investigation, without any prejudice in favor of a 
preconceived theory. . * 

I was accordingly gratified in receiving a letter from him the fol- 
lowing January, stating that my new theory was favorably received 
by himself and other historians. 

In consequence of this favorable reception of an entirely new 
and different theory from any heretofore offered, together with ur- 
gent requests from members of the Maine Historical Society, I was 
induced to prepare a paper for that Society, embracing my views on 
the subject, which was read at their meeting in Augusta in January, 
1859, the same that has been recently published in the sixth vol- 
ume of their collections. Since its appearance, having received 
numerous applications for a copy of the article, I have thought 
proper to present my views in this form, accompanied by the nar- 
rative of Hosier, together with as Ci rrect a map of the river and 
adjacent islands as I could produce from the map of Lincoln County 
and the State of Maine, so that all, even those unacquainted with 



the locality, may have the means of comparing and judging for 
themselves. 

William Strachey, the author of "History of Travail into Vir- 
ginia," was, I think, the first to mislead in this matter. That wri- 
ter says, in alluding to Waymouth's voyage, " He discovered 
many isles and rivers, together with that little one of Pemaquid, 
and searched 60 miles up that most excellent and benificyal river 
of Sachadahoc."* This is the first departure from the statement 
of Sir F. Gorges, who had received all of Waymouth's papers, and 
three of his Indian captives. He says, that it was the "Pema- 
quid."! The reader will notice that Strachey mentions two rivers 
as having been discovered by Waymouth, whereas, it will be seen 
by Hosier's Narrative annexed, that but one river was discovered. 

There are also a great many other misstatements in Strachey, 
which show him to be not entirely immaculate in historical matters. 
He says that Mariyn Pryn^ sent out by Popham and Gorges in 
1606, for the purpose of farther explorations in the regions of 
Waymouth's discoveries, was taken prisoner during the voyage out, 
and carried to Spain, while Sir F. Gorges, one of the patrons of 
said Pryn or Prin^ and who furnished him with the Indian guide 
Nehaiiada^ -says of Prin's voyage, " He happily arrived safe, and 
made a perfect discovery of all those rivers and harbors, bringing 
with hi«i the most exact discovery of that coast that ever came to 
my hands since. "J 

Strachey again errs, when he says that Capt. Bartholomew Gos- 
nold, on his voyage in 1602, fell in with land " about Sachadahoc," 
whereas he fell in with the land about Boon Island or the Isle of 
Shoals. § He also gives the courses and distances of the Popham 
and Gilbert expedition ofi" the coast in 1607, that are absurdly in- 
correct. || 

Is it strange then, with Strachey's liability to mistake, that he 
should have erred by stating, that besides the Pemaquid, the Sach- 
adahoc, was also discovered by Waymouth 7 

It has been hinted that Strachey may have used the term 
" Sachadahoc," as an Indian word, meaning the "river's mouth," 
and not intending to apply it to the river which was afterwards 
known by that designation. U This idea however plausible, I hardly 
think is conveyed by the tenor of his writings. 

* See Mass. Hist. Col. vol. 1, 4th series, page 228, 

t See Sir F. Gorges' "Brief Narrative," vol. 2, page 17, Maine Hist. Col. It is evident that he 
did not apply this name of Pemaquid^ to the Kennebec, for he uses the name Sagadahock as ap' 
plied to the lower Kennebec, on page 54. Gorges received from Waymouth, thieeof his Indian 
captives, and it is supposed, his Log Book, and other papers. 

j Gorges' Brief Narrative, Maine H. C., vol. 2, page 19. 

§ See Archer's account of Gosnold's voyage, page 73, and Brereton's, page 86,MaM. H. C.Tel» 
8, 3d series. 

|] See Appendix. 

^ Willis, Maine U. C. rol. 6, page 3S0. 



To Stracliey must we look tlien, as tlie originator, tlie father of 
tliis mistaken view, and he was folloAved by Hubbard and Prince, 
both, I think, taking their ideas from his writings. 

Hubbard says, in relation to the subject in his History of New 
England, " The river is supposed to be the Kennebec." Prince, 
in his Annals of New England, " gives a meagre extract from 
Waymouth's voyage, to which he prefixes the following note. 
"This seems to be the Sagadahock, and Sir F. Gorges doubtless 
mistakes in calling it Pemaquid river." Why should Gorges be 
mistaken? He had better means for a correct knowledge than 
Stra hey, Hubbard and Prince combined. 

Palfrey, in a note to his first volume of History of New England, 
page 79, says, '^Few things would be more gladly welcomed by the 
student of New England Ilistory than the discovery of the papers 
of Gorges, which it is not extravagant to suppose may, undreamed 
of by their possessor, be now feeding the moth in the garret of some 
manor house in Somerset or Devon, or in some crypt of London, 
which vast city has always been the receptacle, often the final hiding 
place, of such treasures. Gorges had among his paper-s, all sorts 
of materials for the History of English North America, from the 
first discovery, down to the dvil war ; numerous journals of voyages, 
charts, charters, minutes of arguments, letters, sketches of projects, 
lists of partners ; everthing to illustrate the events and their causes, 
and to display the actors." 

No arguments by Strachey, Hubbard or Prince, are given for 
their differing with Gorges. Hubbard merely says, ^'li i?> supposed 
to be the Kennebec," Prince, that "it seems to be the Sagada- 
hock," and Strachey admits that the Pemaqt/id 'Vfas discovered, 
but adds in direct contradiction to Rosier, that they discovered up 
another river, "the Sachadahock." 

Now this seems very unsatisfactory evidence, when offered to 
contr-adict the statement of Gorges, as well as of the eye witness, 
and narrator himself. Yet it is urged again and again by those 
who have revived this theory, as their strongest .point. 

Up to the year 1T96, this error of Strachey' s had engrafted itself 
■into History. At this time Belknap upon examining Purchase's 
■extracts from Rosier's narrative* saw that it could not be the Ken- 
nebec river, and to set history right, employed Capt. Williams of 
the Revenue Cutter, to visit the neighborhood with an extract from 
Purchase before him, to ascertain whether the river in question was 
Dot the Penobscot, instead of the Kennebec. Capt. Williams obeyed 
implicitly his directions, sati&fied himself heyond a doubt that the 

* Purchase's Pilgrinls, vol 4. This same book, with Belknap's meinoranclums in pencil mark 
«Is BOW in the Library of Harvard CoUege, Cainbridge. J. L. Sibley. 



elevations seen from near Monhegan were the Camden mountains, 
and that consequently the Kennebec could not be the river. He 
then traced Waymouth into Georges Island Harbor. From thence 
Capt. Williams proceeded on up the Penobscot bay, his instruc- 
tions not directing him to examine the Georges river, or any other 
river than the Penobscot. But his route from the Georges* Islands 
towards the Penobscot, he confesses his inability to harmonize with 
the remainder of the narrative, and sums up his report as follows : 
" When the Captain (Weymouth) went into his boat and discov- 
ered a great river trending far up into the main, I suppose he 
went as for as Two-bush Island, about three or four leagues from 
the ship, from whence he could observe Penobscot Bay. I suppose 
he went round Two-bush Island, and then sailed up to the west- 
ward of Long Island, supposing himself to be then in the river (!!!)t 

The distance across from "Rockland to Fox Islands, is about 10 
miles, while the narrative says the river was from a mile to half a 
mile wide. "I think," continues Capt. Williams, " he anchored 
off the point which is now called Old Point. The Cod of the riv- 
er where he went with his shallop and marched up into the moun- 
tains, I think, must be Belfast Bay.":|: Accordingly Belknap, 
knowing nothing of the Georges river but its name, marked down 
the Penobscot as the river explored by Waymouth. 

Since that time, all historians and writers have followed Bel- 
knap's theory. WiUiamson, in his history of Maine, adopts Belknap's 
vieAV. He says, vol. 1, page 193, "The discovery of a great river 
the Penobscot, diverted their attention, &c." Again he says, "They 
stopped at Camden, near the foot of the mountains." And in allud- 
ing to that part of the narrative which speaks of the river trending 
westward, he writes, "It was probably Belfast bay, or possibly the 
waters between the lower part of Orphan's Island and the main." 

Mr. Locke, the historian of Camden, I understand takes nearly 
the same view. 

This theory of the Penobscot, remained unquestioned until 1857, 
when John McKeen, Esq., of Brunswick, a persevering antiquarian, 
turned his attention to the subject, and finding that the Penobscot 
river and bay when compared with Hosier's description, disagreed 
in many vital particulars, and having no acquaintance with the 
mouth of the Georges river, and the adjacent islands, came to the 
conclusion that the Kennebec must have been, after all, the river 
explored by Waymouth. 

* The river and these islands until recently were called the St. Georges, but later maps haver 
dropped the prefix St. 

t This is too inconsistent, to be 'admitted for a moment. We might as well suppose thf.m t<? 
have mistaken the Atlantic Ocean for a river, "from a mile to half a mile vfide." 

t "Jd vol. Belknap's Biog. art. "'WeymovUh." 



It appears that in consulting with his neighbor, Capt. Martin, 
and others, he was led to believ^e that the White Mountains could 
be seen from Waymouth's anchorage near Monhegan, and starting 
upon the ground that they were the mountains seen by Waymouth, 
founded his hypothesis thereon. He prepared a very ingenious and 
interesting paper on the subject, Avhich was read before the Maine 
Historical Society, and is printed in the 5th volume of their 
collections. 

To this paper of Mr. McKeen's am I indebted for the revival of 
my former doubts as to the truth of history in this matter ; that as 
yet, no writer had named the true river explored by Waymouth. 
Buckle in his History of Civilization, says, "To begin to doubt the 
former statements of Historians, is to begin to investigate yourself, 
when new and more correct facts will be brought forth." 

Mr. McKeen is ably sustained in his conclusions by R. K. Sew- 
all, Esq., in his valuable work just published, the "Ancient Domin- 
ions of Maine." But both of these gentlemen labor under a dis- 
advantage in not being personally acquainted with the Georges riv- 
er, and the islands and scenery in the neighborhood of its mouth, 
which obliges them to rely upon the statements of others in regard 
to the fact whether the White Mountains could or could not be 
seen from Waymouth's anchorage ; and by adopting a vital error 
at the start, its effects follow them through all the course of their 
reasoning. 

Thus, opinion in relation to this contested point has oscillated be- 
tween the Kennebec and Penobscot, for two and a half centuries, 
and we hope now to fix it quietly, on its true centre, about mid 
way between the two. extremes. 

Having been from my earliest childhood familiar with the 
Georges lliver, its entrance, and all the islands in the neighborhood, 
and having since become acquainted witlf the other two rivers, to- 
gether with the dangerous and very intricate passage from Bath to 
Boothbay harbor, by the so called back river route, I have ventur- 
ed to point out the impossibility of applying Rosier' s description to 
either the Kennebec or Penobscot rivers, and to show how exactly 
it agrees with that of the Georges. 

The reasons and arguments advanced by Messrs. McKeen and 
Sewall in favor of their hypothesis, are candidly and fairly presen- 
ted, and are entitled to a just consideration; and although it is 
sometimes difficult to abandon a favorite theory, I am confident 
these gentlemen will treat my arguments as fairly as I think I have 
discussed theirs, and give them* all the weight which upon due con- 
sideration, they may be entitled to. 

I believe it is nowhere disputed now, that Waymouth's ship first 



anchored about three miles north of the island of Monhegan. The 
narrative then reads as follows; 

' ' From hence we might discern the main land from the west- 
south-west to the east-north-east, and a great way as it then seemed 
up into the main we might discern very high mountains, &c." A 
little farther on it reads " we weighed anchor about 12 o'clock, 
and came along to the other islands more adjoining to the main, 
and in the road directly with the mountains, about three leagues 
from the first island Avhere we had anchored." 

Messrs. McKeen and Sewall, argue that the ship starting from this 
point proceeded about N. W. by W. directly in the range with the 
White Mountains, which they contend were the ones seen by 
Waymouth, and came to anchor in Boothbay harbor. 

This course would make a distance of more than 17 miles, yet 
the narrative reads " about 3 leagues^'' and I think it will be evi- 
dent to the reader, that Hosier's leagues and miles are always short 
ones. Messrs. McKeen and Sewall, very ingeniously account for 
this wide discrepancy, by arguing that the three leagues in the text 
were intended to represent the distance from the first anchorage, to 
the 'point in the offing where Mr. Cam put off in the boat. I Avill 
without comment, leave it for the reader to decide whether the text 
will bear that construction or not. The White Mountains cannot 
be seen from Boothbay Harbor,* yet Purchase says that " the 
mountains seen at their first falling in with the land were constant- 
ly in their view." 

Boothbay Harbor is not among a cluster of islands " adjoining 
to the main," and " open by four several passages;" on the con- 
trary, it is an indenture into the main land, which forms two sides, 
while the large island of Southport forms the third, and scattered 
islands to the seaward, foi-m the fourth. " Pentecost Harbor," it 
will be noticed wasfounc| by Thos. Cam " between the islands." 

One argument given to identify Boothbay harbor, with Pentecost 
harbor, is, that the explorers observed some herons w\alking on the 
shore of one of the islands of the harbor, and as one of the islands 
near Boothbay harbor is now called " Heron Island," crgo^ that 
must have been the island where the herons were seen. This line 
of argument does not strike me as being very convincing. 

From Boothbay Harbor, Mr. McKeen takes the voyagers up the 
Kennebec River to Bath, by way of its mouth, which is certainly 
much more reasonable than Mr. Scwall's indicated route by the nar- 
row, intricate, circuitous and dangerous passage which leads through 
Townsend gut, thence up the Sheepscot to Wiscasset, thence back 

* Mr. White, and other citizens of Boothbay, state that they cannot be seen. The writer is al- 
so satisfied of this fact from his own observations. 



around Westport, through back river, & c. , * which route -with its sunk- 
en rocks, -whirlpools, hurlgates and winding channels, could hardly 
he taken for a gallant river from a " mile to half a mile wide, and 
half a mile is the narrowest," for this blind and dangerous passage 
can now only be navigated at certain stages of the tide, and only 
then, by pilots familiar with all the intricate windings, sunken 
rocks, eddies and shoals. Every citizen of the lower Kennebec, 
who has been through that back river passage, will bear me out in 
the assertion, that no stranger would ever venture through there 
with his vessel, or having done so, describe it as "a gallant river 
from a mile to a half mile wide, Avith 6, 7, 8, 9, 10 fathoms all 
along, &c." '' 

Having followed Messrs. McKeen and Sewall to Eath on the 
Kennebec, we find that this river does not answer the description 
given .of Way mouth's river. It trends " alongst into the main," 
160 miles instead of " about 40," and instead of "growing nar- 
rower," as you proceed up to Brunswick, and '' bringing the for- 
est so near the boats on both sides, as to endanger the men from 
the arrows of the Natives," it rather grows wider, and just above 
Bath opens into that spacious sheet of water Merry meeting Bay, 
studded with islands, which could not have failed to attract the at- 
tention of the voyagers ; yet no mention is made of such a bay, nor 
of any islands being in the river. Then again, the mountains seen 
from Monhegan, were " brought so near them, as they judged 
themselves when they landed, to have been within a league of them." 
This point of landing, is placed by Messrs. McKeen and Sewall, 
at Bath, a short distance above the Railroad Depot. Now in- 
stead of the White Mountains appearing as if but three miles from 
Bath, the truth is, they can be seen only from the highest points 
in very clear weather; nor are there any other mountains that 
could be mistaken for them within three miles, nor ten times that 
distance ; the country is seen to be remarkably level, when viewed 
from the tops of our highest buildings. 

It will be noticed again that the distances given in the narrative, 
in one place " 40 miles," in another " three score," and again "46," 
will neither of them agree with the designated points on the Ken- 
nebec, it being but 24 miles from the mouth of the river, to Gen. 
Humphrey's ship yard, the farthest point at Avhich they place the 
explorers. I do not mention this, as in reality an argument against 
their theory, only that the same parties who favor it, bring up the 
same objection, in applying the given distances to the Georges riv- 

* This attempt of Mr. Sewall's to delineate the track of the explorers as being up the Sheepscot 
to Wiscasset, and back on the west side of Westport, instead of taking them through the more 
direct route a distance of only 13 miles, is to malie good Rosier's estimated distance of "26 miles," 
but in this attempt, he has overrun Eosier's estimate somewhat. 



8 

er, and it is but fair to show, that their OTvn arguments comhat 
their o^Yn theory. The truth undoubtedly is, as before remarked, 
that Hosier's distances, are, in every case estimated too large, a 
fault which seems to have been not uncommon "with all those old 
discoverers. Capt. Popham and Capt. Gilbert, estimated the dis- 
tance sailed by them up the Kennebec river in 1607 at "40 
leagues," which they made, returning again, in 24 hours.* 

Another strong circumstance which makes against the Kenne- 
bec theory, is the fact that the French explorer De Mo?its, was 
about this time, at the Kennebec river, where he erected a cross, 
and had Waymouth been there, they must have met or seen some 
traces of each other, as both were erecting crosses in conspicuous 
places. De Monts makes no mention of anything of the kind, and 
Waymouth expressly says no traces of any previous explorer was 
seen by him. * * 

Now how is this circumstance to be accounted for ? Mr. McKeen 
supposes De Monts to have visited the inland Kennehec, i. e., that 
portion of the river from Merr_y meeting Bay, northward, which he 
approached by the Indian trail from Sheepscot River, thus passing 
Waymouth to the north. Let us see now if this explanation can 
be borne out by the facts. By noticing the sort of vessel used by 
De Monts, her fittings out, places visited, &c., it will be seen that 
he kept along the coast and not along the Indian trail ; otherwise 
he would have taken an Indian's canoe, the more easily to trans- 
port at the carrying places. 

De Mont's voyage, in the spring of 1605 — the same date of 
Waymouth's explorations — is spoken of in "Belknap's American 
Biography," vol. 2, page 27, as fallows : "Having victualed and 
manned his pinnace^ he sailed along the coast from St. Croix Riv- 
er to Norumbega,! a name given by some European adventurers 
to the bay of Penobscot. From thence he sailed to Kennebec, 
Casco, Saco, &c., and erected a cross at Kennebec." 

A translation in the Boston Athen?cum, of a French ^work, con- 
tains the following account of De Monts. Chapter seventh says, 
"In the Spring of 1605, the cold season being past, Mens. De 
Monts, wearied Avith his bad dwelling at St. Croix, determined to 
seek out another port in a warmer country and more to the south ; 
and to that end made a pinnace, to be armed and furnished with 
victuals, to follow the coast and discover new countries ; to seek 
out some happier port in a more temperate air. And because 

* See Appendix. 

f Mr. Sewall, in his "Ancient Dominions," page 50, locates Norvmbega " at the head w.aters 
of Diimariscotta river." If this idea is correct, it aRRin brings these two explorers in close 
prnximity. Tliis theory of Mr. Sewall's I do not endorse, but merely allude to it, as an obsta«Je 
to his propositions in relation to Waymouth. 



9 

that in seeking, one cannot set forAvarcl as ■^•lien in full sails one 
goetli in the open sea ; and that in finding out bays and gulfs one 
must piit in, &c." If a statement should be drawn up purposely to 
disprove the idea of an inland travelled route, it could not be stron- 
ger than this. 

I think it must be conclusive, therefore, that De Monts followed 
the coast, and consequently was at the lower part of the river setting 
up his crosses. Waymouth could not have been there at the same 
time, nor just before, nor after, as traces would have been seen by 
the last one visiting the locality in question. Must we not then 
place Waymouth and his crosses at some other river than the Ken- 
nebec ? 

The fact that the Popham and Gilbert colony, sent out on the 
strength of Waymouth's discoveries, finally located at the mouth of 
the Kennebec in 1607, is used as an argument by Messrs. McKeen 
and Sewall to sustain their theory, and Mr. Palfrey in a note to 
his 1st vol. page 76, so considers it. It might with the same reason 
be urged that because Columbus founded his first city, "Isabel," 
on the island of Ilayti, that that island was the first one he dis- 
covered. A great many reasons can be conceived, why the Pop- 
ham and Gilbert colony selected the Kennebec, rather than the 
Georges river, although it certainly appears, notwithstanding 
Strachey's assertions to the contrary, that their first intentions and 
instructions were to settle at the St. Georges islands, or the mouth 
of the Georges river. Smith's Gen. History, folio 203, says, 
"Popham intended to begin his plantation near Monhegan." A 
note in Maine Hist. Col., vol. 3, pages 294 and 295, alludes to 
the same intention. Sir F. Gorges, in his " brief narrative," 
Maine Hist. Col., vol. 2, page 21, says, " They arrived at their 
rendezvous the 8th of August." It was certainly at St. Georges, 
Islands where they did arrive on the 8th of August. See Strach- 
ey's account, Mass. Hist. Col., vol. 1, 4th series, page 236. (An 
extract is given in the appendix, from page 232 to 240.) Hub- 
bard's History of N. England, page 36, also says, " They inten- 
ded to begin their plantation about Monhegan." 

It may be considered a good and sufficient reason why they 
settled at the Sagadahock instead of the Georges, that the French 
laid claim to, and were at this time colonizing at the eastward, and 
it was considered desirable to locate as far from their rivals as 
convenient. Perhaps the Indian guide Skitivarros, had given 
them information about the Kennebec, which to their minds made 
it a more desirable point for a colony. Or, again, it is not im- 
probable that Capt. Prm' 5 discoveries the previous year may have 
influenced them in their final selection. It will be remembered 
1* 



10 

that Capt. Prill was sent out by Popham and Gorges, ( having 
been supplied by Gorges, with one of the Indian captives brought 
to England by Waymouth ) to " make a more perfect discovery 
of all those livers and harbors," which had been marked down on 
plans by the Indians, and that he returned, " bringing back with 
him the most exact discovery of that country, that ever came into 
their hands." This report undoubtedly contained a description of 
the Kennebec riA^er. 

It will be seen by referring to the extract from Strachey's 
" History of Travail into Virginia," (see appendix) that the Pop- 
ham Expedition started from St. Georges Islands, to go westward 
for the Sachadahock, the landmark of which they knew to be 
"Sutquin." How did they know anything about Sutcjuin 7 Not 
from Waymouth surely, for he says nothing about such an island. 
It Avas only from Capt Prin and the Indian captive, that such in-, 
formation Avas derived. . *' 

I think it must be seen, that the arguments drawn from the fact 
of Popham's colony having finally located at Kennebec river in- 
stead of the Georges, will fail to convince us, that consequently 
the Kennebec was Waymouth's river ; especially when we consider 
that Popham's colony found no trace of Waymouth on the Kenne- 
bec, which would have been strange if Waymouth's party had ex- 
plored that river but two years before, setting up crosses. 

The theory, however, that Waymouth, folloAving in the direction 
of the high mountains, seen from his first anchorage, visited 
Townsend harbor, and from thence the Kennebec river, is exploded 
by the fact that the White Mountains, — the ground Avork and back 
bone of the whole theory ^ — cannot be seen either from Townsend 
harbor or from the point indicated near Monhegan. The only 
mountains that can be seen, the Camden and Union Mountains, 
are in quite another direction. 

Much reliance is placed by Mr. Sewall, on the folloAving remark 
made by Christopher Levitt, Avho, in referring to the "Crystal 
Hills," says, " there is no ship arriving in N. England, either to 
the west as far as Cape Cod, or to the east as far as Monhiggan, 
but can see this mountain the first land, if the AA'cather be clear."* 
This Capt. Levitt is Avhat lawyers would call a " fast witness ;" 
he proA'cs too much. His statement that the White Mountains, 
6,293 feet high, can be seen from Cape Cod, distant 165 miles, 
spoils his testimony. Mr. McKeen, in addition, relies upon state- 
ments made by Capt. Martin, and Capt. Johnson of BrunsAvick, 
that the White Hills are visible, not only from Monhegan, but 
" thirty miles farther to the eastAvard," making a distance of 

* See Levitt's voyage. Mas3. Uis. Col. vol. 8lh, Sd series, aud vol. 2d Maine H. C. 



11 

about 140 miles. This statement Tvill have to rank on a par -with 
the Cape Cod story. 

The distance from Mt. Washington to Monhegan, as given on 
the maps of Maine and New England, is about 110 miles. The 
rule given in 195 Vince's Astronomy and Bo-wditch's Navigator, 
in which terrestrial refraction is allowed, viz., " 0.12165 plus 
half the log. of the height in feet, equals log. of dist. in statute 
miles," would require the mountain to be over 6,900 feet high, to 
be seen just even with the horizon, and to be seen any distance 
above the coast, in on the main, they must necessarily be from 
12,000 to 15,000 feet in height. According to the late survey of 
Capt. Cram of the U. S. Coast Survey, Mt. Washington is 6,293 
feet above the level of the sea.* This would show to a mathe- 
matical certainty, that it is not visible at the point named. 

Capt. William Watts, 2d, Keeper of JFranklin Light, Captain 
Artemas W. Watts, master of ship C. H. Southard, Capt. Sam'l 
B. Stackpole, Keeper of White Head Light, and many others, 
state that the White Mountains, of N. H., cannot be seen from a 
point three miles north of Monhegan. Mr. White, and others of 
Boothbay, state that the White Mountains, cannot be seen from 
any point in Boothbay Harbor. These facts are also known to 
the writer from his OAvn personal observation. 

Having then we think shown that the high mountains seen by 
Way mouth from near Monhegan, could not have been the White 
Mountains, and as the Camden Mountains are the only elevations 
that could be thus seen, it must follow of course, that the latter 
were the highlands referred to. To substantiate this fact, the ac- 
count of the voyage published in the 4th volume of " Purchase's 
Pilgrims," printed at London in 1625, is conclusive evidence, 
were all others wanting. 

Besides having Rosier' s narrative as here published. Purchase 
undoubtedly had Capt. Waymouth's private Journal, containing 
the latitude, variation, soundings, &c., referred to by Rosier in his 
preface in thfese words, "which together with his perfect Geo- 
graphical map of the country, he — Waymouth — intendeth hereaf- 
ter to set forth." (This promised publication by Waymouth, is 
mentioned again on page 154. "J It is quite probable that Pur- 
chase not only had access to this promised work, but also to the 
map and log book^ and perhaps personal conferences with many 

Coast Scrvbt Office, Febkuart, 18, 1860. 
* Dear Sir ; In reply to your letter of the 14th inst., I have to inform you that the height of 
Mt. Washington as stated in your letter is correct, viz., 6 29.3 feet above the level of mean tide. 
This result was obtained by Capt. T.J. Cram, by his levelling operations in September 1853. 
Very Respectfully, Your obedient servant, 

W. K. PALMER, 
Capt. Top. Eng. Ast. C. S. in charge of Office. 
Geo. Prince, Esq , Bath, Maine. 



12 \ 

of the crew, as lie gives many important particulars not found in 
E-osier's account, including the latitude, variation, and the direc- 
tion in which the mountains lay from the ship, which last fact 
settles the question. The account reads in Purchase as follows, 
— being then at anchor three miles north of Monhegan, — "From 
hence we might discern many islands and the main land from the 
West South West to the East North East ; and North North 
East from us, a great way as it then seemed (and as we after- 
wards found it) up into the main, we might discern very high moun- 
tains." Now allowing for the one point westerly variation, which 
Purchase says they found by observation to be 11 deg., 15 min., 
viz., one point of the compass westward, — the lat., he also found 
to be 43 deg., 20 min.,* north — the high mountains of Union 
and Camden lay precisely in that direction, with the Georges Is- 
lands and the mouth of Georges river directly in their range. 

If this accumulation of proof has now convinced the unbiased 
reader that Boothbay Harbor, and Kennebec river, were not the 
harbor and river found by Waymouth, let us examine the narra- 
tive, and compare it with other harbors and rivers in the more im- 
mediate neighborhood of Monhegan, and see if we cannot identify 
the places described. For this purpose I have herewith published 
Rosier' s narrative entire, as I consider it the best argument in 
support of my theory that could possibly be made. 

JJut first one word in regard to Hosier's narrative. The fact 
that his descriptions did not coincide with the locality of either 
the Kennebec or Penobscot rivers have led critics to suppose the 
narrative designedly incorrect, some affirming " that it was pur- 
posely written with obscurity, in order to deceive the French and 
Spanish voyagers," others that it Avas highly overwrought and 
falsified, so that it "ghould ie!l with the public." Mr. Sewallon 
page 59, " Ancient Dominions," while arguing out his White 
Mountain theory, uses the following language, " The text implies 
a distant inland prospect of mountain views, as land marks which 
inight he discerned from the anchorage under what is conceded 
to be Monhegan island, though it is not positive they could be ful- 
ly seen, as they were discerned, which implies dimness as well as 
distance of vision ; and the White Mountains, showing in their 
magnificent outlines, terminates the view in the horizon of the 
distant west, along the Androscoggin would seem to answer the 
object of the narrator as well as the description he gives, which 

* There is an error of about thirty minutest in this Latitude piven by Purchase, which I think 

must have been made by the person who took the copy from Waymouth's Log, or printed ac- 
count, or else by the printer. The true Latitude is about 43 lie;;. 50 min. which I think is what 
Wayraoutli himself made it. His latitude obtained off Nantucket was correct, and it is natural 
to suppose that his more careful observations at Pentcco.t^ Aartor, would be less liable to error 
tbau were the ones taken when first falling in with the land. 



•was, so to shade the localitj of the exploration and discoTeries as 
to lead foreign voyagers, who might follow, astraj." 

In most cases such a mode of explanation and defence of a 
questionable theory, would be thought no better than giving up the 
point. I make the quotation, however, to show his inference, of 
designed obscuritj in tlie description^ on the part of the narra- 
tor, which he reiterates in a note on page 78. 

Now these charges of premeditated misstatements, &c., in Ros- 
ier's descriptions, I contend are without the least foundation, and 
are calculated to impeach his veracity as a historian, for it will be 
seen, by referring to the preface to his narrative, page 14, that he 
wrote " neither of the latitude or variation most exactly ob- 
served," for fear foreign nations might gain knowledge of the 
place. In relation however to all that he did write, the descrip- 
tions of the islands, river, &c., — this is what he expressly says, 
" But our particular proceedings in the whole discovery, the com- 
modious situation of the river, the fertility of the land, with the 
profits there to be had, and here reported, I refer to be verified, 
by the whole company as being eye witnesses of my words, and 
most of them near inhabitants upon the Thames." 

It is not presumed! that these intimations of falsity, were made 
with the desire of injuring the character of Rosier as a writer, 
but they grew out of the tact that the narrative was in contradic- 
tion to the preconceived theories. Rosier's description, when com- 
pared with the actual river explored, will be found wonderfully 
correct, save in their estimated matters before alluded to, and in 
regard to those, I think on careful examination, the charitable 
doubts of dispassionate historical criticism, will justify the disbe- 
lief in any intentional misstatements on the part of the narrator, 
for had his object been in those cases to exaggerate, he would have 
stretched the story of his ascending the river more than 18 miles, 
for such a small increase as that, would hardly have been an ob- 
ject of deliberate falshood, but much more likely to have been an 
error in judgment of distances. He would likewise have made 
his rise of the tide less than 18 ft., as such an excessive tide is no 
advantage to the navigation of a river. 

In his determination not to make known the locality of the dis- 
covery to foreign nations, he thought it only necessary to with- 
hold the latitude, and the direction in which the mountains lay 
from his harbor. This he did, and these particulars were after- 
wards made known to the world through " Purchase," as has been 
shown. 

,We will now endeavor, while examining the following narrative, 
to show a harbor and river which exactly agrees with Rosier's de- 



14 

Bcriptions, in every particular, except tlie estimated distances and 
the height of the tide. As these estimated distances agree with 
no other locality, and to find the l8 or 20 feet tide, we must go 
into the Bay of Fundy, I hardly think they \>'ill be insisted upon 
as correct. We have no account of their measuring these distan- 
ces, they are all given as conjectured, and it is not surprising that 
in sailing or rowing up a river in the midst of the wildest forest 
scenery, the distance of ten miles should be doubled in their es- 
timation, or 16 or 18 miles appear as 26, yet this is the extent 
of their over estimates. They probably made a rough guess at 
the tide, by the marks on the shore as they passed. 



HOSIER'S MRRATIYE. 



TITLE PAaE. 

A true relation, of the most prosperous voyage made this present yeal*j 
1605, by Captain George Waymouth, in the discovery of the land of Vir- 
ginia, where he discovered, sixty miles tip, a most excellent river, togeth- 
er with ca most fertile land. Written by James Hosier, a gentleman em» 
ployed in the voyage. Londoni : impensis Geor. Bishop, 1605. 



PEEFACE. 

Being employed in this voyage by the right hondtable Thomas Artiti* 
dell. Baron of Warder, to take due notice, and make true report of the 
discovery therein performed ; I became very dihgent to observe (as much 
as I could,) whatsoever was material or of consequence in the businessj 
which I collected into this brief summary; intending upon our return to 
publish the same. But he soon changed the course of his intendtaents | 
and long before our arrival in England had so far engaged himself with 
the Archduke, that he Was constrained to relinc[uish this action. But the) 
commodities and profits of the country; together with the fitness of plan* 
tation, being by some honorable gentlemen of good worth and equality, and 
merchants of good sufficiency and judgment fully considered, have at 
their oWn charge, (intending both their private and the common ben* 
efit of their country) undertaken the transporting of a Colony for the 
plantation thereof ; being mtlch encouraged thereunto by the gracious fa- 
vor of the King's Majesty himself, and divers Lords of his Highness' 
most Honorable Privy Council. After these purposed designs were con-' 
eluded, I was animated to publish this brief relation, and not before ; be^ 
cause some foreign nation (being fully assured of the fruitfalness of the 
country) having hoped hereby to gain some knowledge of the place, see-" 
ing they could not allure our Captain or any special man of our company, 
to combine with them for their direction, nor obtain their purpose, in car-' 
veying away our savages, which Was busily in practice. And this is the 
cause that I have neither written of the latitude or variation most 
exactly observed by our Captain tOith sundry instruments, which togeth' 
er with his perfect geographical map of the country, he intendeth hereaf 
ter to set forth. I have likewise purposedly omitted here to add a collee- 
tion of many words in their language, to the number of four or five hun* 
dred, as also the names of divers of their Governors, as well theii' 
friends as then: enemies ; being reserved to be made known for the berl^ 



16 

cfit of those that shall go in the nest voyage. But our particular pro* 
ceedi'iu/s hi the ivhole discovery, the commodious situation of the rii^er, 
the fertility of the land, with the projits there to he had, and here re 
ported, I refer to he verified by the whole company, as heiny eye icit- 
nesses of my words, and most of them near inhabitants upon the 
IViames* So with my prayers to God for the conversion of so ingenious 
and well-disposed people, and for the prosperous successive events of the 
noble intenders the prosecution thereof, I rest 

Your friend, j. r. 



-i 



V 



A True Relation of Captain George Waymoutii, his Voyage made 
this present year 1605, in the discovery of the north part of 
Virginia. 

Upon Tuesday, the 5th day of March, about ten o'clock before noon, 
we set sail from RatclifFe, and came to an anchor that tide about two 
o'clock before Gravesend. 

Fit»m thence the 10th of March, being Sunday, at night, we anchored 
in the Downs, and there rode till the next day about three o'clock after* 
^ • noon, when with a scant wind we set sail ; and by reason the wind contin- 

ued southwardly, we were beaten up and down ; but on Saturday, the 
sixteenth day, about four o'clock afternoon, we put into Dartmouth Hav 
en, where the continuance of the wind at south and south-west, constrain- 
ed us to ride till the last of this month. There we shipped some of our 
men, and supplied necessaries for our ship and voyage. ■ 

Upon Easter day, being the last of Mar.ch, the wind coming at north- 
^ -' north-east, about five o'clock afternoon we weighed anchor, and put to sea. 
■*^ ' \t.n the name of GoJj beingjtvell victualled and furnished with munition 
f^'^''^ and all necessaries : our whole company being but twenty nine persons ; 

p/^ \ of whom I may boldly say, few voyages have been manned forth with bet- 

ter seamen generally in respect of our small number. 
^>- Monday, the next day, being the first of April, by six o'clock in the 

morning, we were six leagues south-south-east from the Lizard. 

At two in the afternoon this day, the weather being very fair, our cap- 
tain for his own experience and others with him sounded, and had six-and* 
fifty fathoms and a half. The sounding was some small black perrie 
sand, some reddish sand, a match or two, with small shells called Saint 
James's shells. 

The fourteenth of April, being Sunday, between nine and ten of the 
clock in the morning, our captain descried the island Cuerno ;* which 
l)are south-west-and-by-west, about seven leagues from us : by eleven of 

* We have used Italics in the aViove copy, for the purpose of calling attention to that part of tha 
preface, as refuting the charges often made, that this narrative was purposely written •' falsely 
and obscurely" for the purpose of leading foreign nations astray, of which nothing can befarthef 
from the truth. He says he omittej certain matters from his narration for strategetic reasouS) 
but he vouches for the truth of all he did set forth. 

t The Islaud of " Corvo," Western Islands. 



? 



17 

the clock we descried Flores to the southward of Cuerno, as it lieth : bv 
four o'clock in the afternoon, we brought Cuerno due south from us 
within two leagues of the shore, but we touched not because the wind was 
^ fair, and we thought ouftelves sufficiently watered and wooded. 

Here our captain observed the sun, and found himself in the latitude 
forty degress and seven minutes : so he judged the north part of Cuerno 
to be in forty degrees. 

After we had kept our course about a hundred leagues from the islands, 

I , by continually southerly winds we were forced and driven from the south- 

*-^ ■ ward, whither we first intended. And when our captain by long beating 

saw it was but in vain to strive with winds, not knowing Grod's purposes 

herein to our further blessing, (which after by his especial direction we 

-'^ ' found,) he thought best to stand as nigh as he could by the wind, to re- 

T cover what land we might first discover. 

Monday, the 6th of May, being in the latitude of thirty-nine and a 
half, about ten o'clock before noon, we came to a rippling, which we dis- 
cerned ahead our ship, which is a breach of water caused either by a fall, 
or by some meeting of currents, which we judged this to be ; for the 
weather being very fair, and a small gale of wind, we sounded and found 
i no ground in a hundred fathoms.* ^.^ ' t 

'^ Monday, the 13th of May, about eleven o'clock ^ afore noon, our cap- 
tain, judging we were not far from land, sounded, and had a soft oaze in 
a hundred and sixty fathoms. At four o'clock afternoon, we sounded 
again, and had the same oaze in a hundred fathoms. 

From ten o'clock that night till thiee o'clock in the mornings our cap- 
tain took in all sails and lay at hull, being desirous to fall with the land 
in the day time, because it was an unknown coast, which it pleased God in 
his mercy to grant us, otherwise we had run our ship upon the hidden 
rocks and perished all. For when we set sail we sounded in one hundred 
fathoms ; and by eight o'clock, having not made above five or six leagues, 
our captain, upon a certain change of water, (supposing verily he saw the 
sand) presently sounded, and had but five fathoms. Much marvelling 
because we saw no land,be sent one to the top, who thence descried a whit- 
ish sandy cliff, which bare west-north-west, about six leagues off from us : 
but coming nearer within three or four leagues, we saw many breaches 
still nearer the land ; at last we espied a great breach ahead us all along 
the shore, into which, before we should enter^ our captain thought best to 
hoist out his ship's boat and sound it ; which if he had not done, we ha<l 
been in great danger ; for he bare up the ship, as near as he durst after 
^ the boat ; untir Thomas Cam, his mate, being m the boat, called to him tn 
rv/v«^*^ -tdek about and stand off, for in this breech he had very shoal water, two 
fathoms arid less upon rocks, and sometimes they supposed tliey saw the roclc 
within three or four feet, whereon the sea made a veiytstrong breach ; which 
we might discern (from the top) to run along as we sailed by it six or seven 
leagues to the southward..*, (This was in the latitude of foi-ty one degrees 
twenty minutes : Wherefore -we were constrained to put back again from 

* Probably the Gulf stream. \ -; r .-j) 



18 >-^ , U'^' 

. the land ; and sounding, (the weather being very fair ^nd a small wind) 
we found ourselves embayed with continual shoals and rocks in a most 
uncertain ground^ from five or six fathoms, at the next cast of the lead we 
should have fifteen and eighteen fathoms*; over many which we passed,' 
r\ \ -aad God so blessed us, that. we had wind and weather as fair as poor men 
(f^ in this distress"^ could wish': whereby we both perfectly discerned every 

breach, and with the wind were Able to turn, where we saw most hope of 
safest passage. Thus we parted from the land, which we had not so much 
before desired, and at the first sight rejoiced, as now we all joyfully praised 
God, that it had pleased Him*to deliver us from so eminent danger.* 

Here we found great store of excellent codfish, and saw many whales, 
as we had done two or three days before. 
. . ' We stood off ^11 that night, and'' the next day being Wednesday, but 
' •- the wind still continuing' between the points of south-south-west and west' 

south-west: so as we could inot'make any way to the southward, in regard 
of our great want of water and wood (which was now spent,) we much 
desired land, and therefore sought for it, where the wind would best suffer 
us to refresh ourselves. 

Thursday, the 16th of May, we stood in directly* with the land, and 
Yfi. much marvelled we descried it not, wherein we found our sea charts veiy 
Q 1 ^ false, putting land where none is. 

Friday, the 17th of May, about' 6 o'clock at night we descried the land 

which bare from us north-north-east ; but because it blew a great gale of 

^ ' « wind, the sea very high, and near night, not fit to come upon an unknown 

t»\ ^* coast, wer stood off till two o'clock in the morning, being Saturday^ then 

standing in with it again, we descried it by eight o'clock in the morning 

bearing north-east from us. • It appeared a mean high land, as we after 

Hl^ '-'^y found it, being^an island of^/some six miles^in compass,! but I hope the 

J. <^ most fortunate ever yet discovered. A" About twelve o'clock that day, we 

^ ' came to an anchor on the north side of this island, J about a league fi-om 

V the shore. About two o'clock our captain with twelve men rowed in his 

> ship boat to the shore, where we made no long stay, but laded our boat 

^~ with dry wood of old trees upon the shore side, and returned to our ship 

^ where we rode that night. 

o ^ This island is woody grown with fir, birch, oak and beech, as far as we 
\ r saw along the shore ; and so likely to be within. On the verge grow 
gooseberries, strawberries, wild pease, and wild rose bushes. The*watev 
issued forth down the rocky cliff in many places : and much fowl of di- 
vers kinds breed upon the shore and rocks. § 

While we were at shore, our men aboard, with a few hooks got above 
thirty great cods and haddocks, which gave us a taste of the great plenty 
of fish, which we found afterward wheresoever we went upon the coast. 
From hence we might discern the main land from the west-south-west ta 

* In Parchase'a account the following words are added here — " of death before oor eyes. Oar 
Captain found himself in latitude 41 degrees and a half." ) 
t Puichase makes this read " being an island of no great compass.'"' 
t Purchase inserts here " in forty fathom of water." 
" \ This island is now universally conceded to be Monbegan. 



Ua- 



■ I 

to 
as 
)le 
he 



(V-T 






5>* 



. VJO^ 



;^' fir 






t 



i. 19 

llie east'iiorth-east,* and a great way (as it tlien seemed, and we after ' 

found it,) up into the main, we might discern very high mountains,'' though K-\-i^,( 
the main seemed but low land ; which gave us a hope it would please 
God to direct us to the discovery of some good ; although we were driven 
by winds far from that place, whither (both by our direction aed desu-e) 
we ever intended to shape the course of our voyage. 

I think I kave sUowq, while commenting oa the Kennebec theory, that the " High mountains'' 
here referred to, can be none oth^ than the Cataden and Union Mountains, the higliest of which, 
Mt. Pleasant, stands near the Corners of five towns, — vie. Camden, Rockland, Union, Warren, 
and Hope ^ distant some forty miles from Monhegan. They are plainly to be seen far out to sea, 
before the coast comes into view. They also agree with the bearings of 'W'aymouth's mountains 
from Monhegan, Which, according to^Purchase, bore "N. N. E," 

On the opposite page will be found a map of Georges River and adjacent coast. The following 
ietters designate particular localities 5 a, th* Codde or Cfld in the river ; b. Anchorage in the 
river y c, d, f, Indian trails 5 g-, Anchorage ia the mouth of the river ^ h, GeoCges Island Harbor. 

The ne.xt day, being Whitsunday ; because we I'od'e too much open to 
the sea and winds, we weighed aiichor about twelve o'clock, and came 
along to the other islands more adjoining to the main, and in the road di- 
rectly with the mountains, about three leagues from the first island where 
we had anchored. 

When we came near unto them (sounding all along in a good depth) 
■our captain manned his ship boat, and sent her before with Thomas Cam, 
one of his mates, whom he knew to be of good experience, to sound and 
search between the islands for a place safe for our ship to ride in ; in the 
meanwhile we kept aloof at sea, having given^ them in the boat'^a token to 
WefFe in the ship, if he found a convenient harbor ; which it pleased God 
to send us, far beyond our expectation, in a most safe berth defended from 
all winds, it?, an excellent depth of water for ships of any burthen, in six, 
seven, eight, nine, and ten fathoms, upon a clay ooze, very tough. ^ 

• Directly in range with the Camden Mountains and in full view of themf , is situated the snug 
3ittle harbor ttiat Thomas Cam found "between the islands^ where he was sent to search. 
Either that now called Georges Island Harbor, or some other of those openings among the Georges . 
Islands, nearer the mouth of the river. 

The size of the present harbor is urged as a'E objection to this theory. Yet in this instance, the 
holders of the other theories will not allow that the fervid imagination of the writer, who was not 
a nautical man, may have deceived him in regard to its size, or that he purposely overstated. 
am inclined to think that Rosier^ In this account, has confounded the harbor found in the mouth 
of the river with Pentecost Harbor. The former is equal in capacity to the most commodious 
2iarbor on the coast. 

While examining a Volume of Hiibbavd's History of New England, in the library of the Mass 
Historical Society, during my researches into this matter, 1 noticed on page 12th what purpo ■ I 
to be an extract or copy from some old manuscript, still in the Society's possession, relating to 
Waymouth's voyage. In my hasty examination I did not make out who the manuscript was 
written by, nor when nor how it came into their possession. It is represented to be uninteligible 
in certain parts, which are filled up with stars by the transcriber. I could not examine the 
Snanuscript without permission of the Trustees, which I had not time to procure. The following 
is a copy of the part referred to, as printed : 

* Purchase makes this sentence read as follows : " From hence we might discern many island?, 
■and the main land from the west-south-west to the east-north-east; a,ninorth-nort/i-east frcm 
us, a great way,^^ &c. 

) It will be remembered that no mountains are seen from Booth'bay harbor. 



A, 




< 



N 



(V/1 



■\ 



20 

" The islands thereabouts in the [entrance] ***** it se ********* 
* * * * of St. Georges Isles; at this time they discovered a great river supposed to be Ken- 
nebeck." 

The word [entranc«] is added by the transcriber as the probable word. This reference to the 
St. Georges Isles, means something, and I have supposed the sentence to read originally per- 
haps, as follows: " The islands thereabouts in the entrance of the sound, it seems were those 
composing the group of St. Georges Isles," &c. I give this little waif in history for what it is 
worth. If it should show that St. Georges Island Harbor was 'Wajmouth'a " Pentecost Harbor," 
the Kennebec theory falls of course. 

As great weight is placed by the supporters of the Kennebec theory, on Strachey's account of 
Popham's voyage in 1607, and the movements of that expedition in subsiantlating their ground, 
it is certainly fair for me to quote it in support of my theory, where it can be done. Now we 
know that this colony was sent out on the strength of "Waymouth's discoveries, and we have 
quoted numerous writers to prove that they were directed to begin their settlement near Monhe- 
gan. Strachey, in his " History of Travail into Virginia," before alluded to,* delineates the tracii 
of this expedition, which shaped its course direct for the coast of Maine, where they found the 
Camden Mountains as described by Waymouth. They stood in towards the mountains""and the 
islands adjoining to the main, and came to anchor close to the island where Waymouth erected 
Lis cross two years before; the mountains still in sight to the northward, (not westward) of which 
he gives a rough sketch. 

Straciiey's account of the courses, distances, latitude, &c., are erroneous; but his description of 
the islands, views of the mountains, &c., will be readily recognized by those acquainted with that 
coast. Allowing for an error in his statement, viz., the direction of the ship's sailing on the night 
of Aug. 4rth, which he says was W. S. W., dead before the wind; whereas it is altogether proba- 
ble they sailed on the wind that night, standing off shore, when the course would have been 
E. S. E., which indeed is the only way to account for her position next morning at 4 o'clock, as 
they steered W. N. W. from 4 o'clock till 3 in the afternoon and made the same land again, which 
would be impossible had they run the course indicated by Strachey. By allowing for this error, 
I repeat, we have no difficulty in tracing the expedition from Mount Desert, or a little eastward, 
where they first anchored, along past the numerous islands of the coast to the Isle of Hant; 
thence past Matinicus Kock where they hauled off E. S. E., and finally run in again on the 6tb cf 
August past the three Matinieus Islands, and Matinicus Rock which Strachey correctly describes 
as " as laying S. W . from the easternmost of those three islands," and came to anchor near the 
Georges Islands. Here they found Waymouth's cross, and noted the Camden and Union moun- 
tains to the northward, which he describes as being " in on the Land called Segchquet.'' Thffe is 
the region in the neighbi rhood of Thomaston, and was long afterwards known by that appefla- 
tion. Now if Strachey's testimony is good for any thing, it clearly proves that Waymouth's 
" Pentecost Harbor " was at the Georges Islands, unless it be argued that the Indians shifted the 
cross; but then there are the mountains to the northward — these they could not have removed 
from Bath to Segchquet, without a great deal more of faith than we are willing to allow them. 

We all with great 3*37 praised God for his unspeakable goodness, who 
had from so apparent clanger delivered us,' and directed us upon this day 
into so secure an harbor ; in remembrance whereof we named it Pentecost 
Harbor; we anived there that day out of our last harbor in England, from 
whence we set sail upon Easter day. 
- ' About foiu" o'clock, after we were anchored and well moored, our ca})- 
tain with half a dozen of our company went on shore to seek fresh water- 
ing, and a convenient place to set together a pinnace, which we brought 
in pieces, out of England ; both which we found very fitting. 

Upon this island, as also upon the former, we found (at our first com- 
ing to shore,) where fire had been made : and about the place were very 

* An extract from the above work is given in the Appendi.x, to which the reader is referred. 



fx>^ 



21 



n^.^-^ 



great egg shells bigger than goose eggs, fish bones, and as we judged, the 
bones of some beast. 

Here we espied cranes stalking on the shore of a little island adjoining, ^ 
where we after saw they used to breed. , . . / 

Whitsunraonday, the 20th day of May, very early 'in the morning, our \^ 
captain caused thefpieces of the pinnacoi to be carried ashore, where while 5 
some were busied about her, others digged wells to receive the fresh water, 
which we found issuing down out of the land in many places. * Here I "1 
cannot omit (for foolish fear of imputation of flattery,) the painful indus- 
try of our captain, who as at sea he is always most careful and vigilant, so I 
at land he refuseth no pains ; but his labor was ever as much or rather 
more than any man's : which not only encoui'ageth others with better con- j 
tent, but also effecteth much with great expedition. 

In digging we found excellent clay for brick or tile. * The next day we 
finished a well of good and wholesome clear water in a great empty cask, 
which we left there. We cut yards, waste trees, and many necessaries 
for our ship, while our carpenter and cooper labored to fit and furnish %jji^ 
forth the shallop. 

This day our boat went out about a mile from the ship, and in small 
time with two or three hooks, was fished sufiiciently for our whole company 
three days, with great cod, haddock, and thornbaek. 
, And towards night we drew with a small net of twenty fathoms very 
nigh the shore : we got about thirty very good and great lobstera, many 
rockfish, some plaice and other small fishes, and fishes called lumps, very 
pleasant to the taste ; and we generally observed, that all the fish, of what 
kind soever we took, were well fed, fat, and sweet in taste. 

Wednesday, the 22d of May,*we felled and cut wood for our ship's 
use, cleansed and scoured our wells and digged a plot of ground, wherein, 
amongst some garden se©ds,**we sowed pease and barley, which in sixteen 
days grew eight inches above ground ; and so continued growing every 
day half an inch, although this was but the crust of the ground, and much 
inferior to the mould we after found in the main.* ^. 

Friday, the 24th of May, after we had made an end of cutting wood, and '^^^ • 
carrying water aboard our ship,HFith fourteen shot and pikes we marched 
about and through part of two islands ; the-bigger of which we judged to 
be four or five miles in compass, and a mile broad. 

The profits and fruits which are naturally on these islands are these : i fs\,i^ 

All along the shore, and some space within, where the wood hindereth 
not, grow plentifully, raspberries, gooseberries, strawberries, roses, cur- 
rants, wild vines, angelica. 

Within the islands grow wood of sundry sorts, some very great, and all 
tall, as birch, beech, ash, maple, spruce, cherry tree, yew, oak, very 
great and*good, fir tree, out of which issueth turpentine in so marvellous 
plenty, and so sweet, as our chirurgeon and others afiirmed they never 
saw so good in England. f We pulled off much gum, congealed on the 
outside of the bark, which smelled like frankincense. This would be a 
great benefit for making tar and pitch. 

* These islands are still represented as very fertile. 
\ Fir balsam — still iJlenty. 



m^w^ 



2^ 






We staid the longer in this place, not only Lecanse of onr good harloT 
(which is an excellent comfort,) but because every day we did more and 
3nore discover the pleasant fruitfulness ; insomuch as many of our cobi- 
jxiny wished themselves settled here, not expecting any further hopes, or 
better discovery to be made. 

Here O'Ur men found abundance of great muscles among the rocks ; and 
in some of them many small pearls; and in one muscle (which we drew up in 
our net) was found fourteen pearls, whereof one of pretty bigness and ori- 
ent ; in another above fifty small pearls ; and if we bad had a drag, no 
doubt we had found some of great value, seeing these did certainly shew, 
that here they were bred ; the shells all glittering with mother of pearl.* 

AVednesday, the 29th day, our shallop being now finished, and our cap- 
tain and men furnished to depart with her from the ship, we set up a cross 
Lon the sliore-side upon the rocks, f 
Thursday, the 30th of May, about ten o'clock before noon, our 
captain with thirteen (men more in the name of God, and with all our 
prayers for their prosperous discovery, and safe return, 'departed in the 
•shallop : leaving the ship in a good harbor ; fwhich before I mentioned, 
well moored, and manned w^ith fourteen men. 

This day, about five o'clock in the afternoon, we in the ship espied three 
canoes coming towards us, which went to the island adjoining, where they 
went ashore, and very quickly had made a fire, about which they stood 
behnlding our ship : to whom we made signs with our hands and hats, 
weffing unto them to come unto us, because we had not seen any of the 
people yet. They sent one canoe with tln-ee men, one of which, when 
they came near tinto us, sj^^ke in his language very loud and very boldly; 
seeming as though he would know why we were there, and by pointing 
with his oar towards the sea, we conjectured he meant we should be gone. 
But when we shewed them knives and their use, by cutting of sticks ; and 
other trifles, as combs and glasses, they came close aboard our ship, as de- 
sirous to entertain our friendship. To these we gave such things as we 
jKjroelved they liked, when we shewed them the use : bracelets, rings, 
|>eacock-feathers, which they stuck in their hair, and tobacco pipes. After 
their departure to their company on the shore, presently came four others 
in another canoe : to whom we gave as to the former, using them with as 
much kindness as we could. 

The shape of their body is veiy proportionable, they are well counte- 
nanced, not very tall nor big, but in stature like to us : they paint their 
liodies with black, their faces, some with red, some with black, and some 
with blue. 

Their clothing is beaver skins, or deer skins, east over them like a man- 
tle, and hanging down to their knees, made fast together upon the shoulder 
witl) leather : some of them had sleeves, most had none : some had buskins of 
such leather sewed : they have besides a piece of beaver skin between theiv 
legs, made fast about their waist, to cover their privities. 

* PearU hare lately been found on the branches of the Georges Biver. 

t This was evidently upon the sea side of the island upon which their shallop was put togethei. 
Mr. Sewall thinks it was on Monhegan. There is no ground foi that supposition. 



r I "w 



f 



23 

They suffer no liair to grow on their faces, but on their head very long 
and very black, which those that have wives, bind up behind with a leath- 
er strino;, in a Ions round knot. 

They seemed all very civil and merry : shewing tokens of much thank- 
fulness, for those things we gave them. We found them then (as after) 
a people of exceeding good invention, quick understanding and ready ca- 
pacity. 

Their canoes are made without any iron, of the bark of a birch tree, 
strengthened Avithin with ribs and hoops of wood, in so good fashion, with 
such excellent ingenious art, as they are able to bear seven or eight per- 
sons, far exceeding any in the Indies. , 

One of their canoes came not to us, wherein we imagined their women 
were : of whom they are (as all savages) very jealous, 
p When I signed unto them they should go sleep, because it was night, 
they understood presently, and pointed that at the shore, right against our 
( ship, they would stay all night : as they did. 

r' The next morning very early, came one canoe aboard us again with 
three savages, whom we easily then enticed into our ship, and under the 
deck ; where we gave them pork, fish, bread and pease, all which they 
did eat : and this I noted, they would eat nothing raw, either fish or flesh. 
They marvelled much and much looked upon the making of our can and 
kettle, so they did at a head-piece and at our guns, of which they were 
most fearful, and would fall flat down at the report of them. At . their 
deparjture I signed unto them, that if they would bring me such skins as 
they wear, I would give them knives, and such things as I saw they most 
liked, which the chief of them promised to do, by that time the sun should 
be beyond the midst of the firmament ; this I did to bring them to an un- 
derstanding of exchange, and that they might conceive the intent of our 
-^coming to them to be for no other end. 

About ten o'clock this day we descried our shallop returning toward us, \ 
I which, so soon as we espied, we certainly conjectured our captain had 
! found some unexpected harbor, further up towards the main to bring the 
; ship into, or some river ; knowing his determination and resolution, not so 
I suddenly else to make return : which when they came nearer they es- 
I pressed by shooting volleys of shot ; and when they were come within 
I jnusket shot, they gave us a volley and hailed us, then we in the ship 
■ gave them a great piece and hailed them. 

Thus we welcomed them, who gladded us exceedingly with their joyful 
relation of their happy discovery, which shall appear in the sequel. And 
we likewise gave them cause of mutual joy with us, in discoursing of the 
kind civility we found in a people, where we little expected any spark of 
humanity. 

Our captain had in this small time discovered up a great river, trending 
alongst into the main, about forty miles. The pleasantness whereof, with 
the safety of harbor for shipping, together with the fertility of ground and 
other fruits, which were generally by his whole company related, I omit 
till I report of the. whole discovery thereinafter performed. For by the 
breadth, depth, and strong flood, imagining it to run far up into the land, 



24 

lie with speed returned, intending to flank his light-horgcmen for arrows, 
lest it might happen that the further part of the river should be narrow, 
and by that means subject to the volley of savages on either side out of the 
woods. 

Until his return, our captain left on shore where he landed in a path 
(which seemed to be frequented) a pipe, a brooch and a knife, thereby to 
know if the savages had recourse that way, because they could at that 
time see none of them'," but they were taken away before our return 
thither. 

This river, as will be more fully deraonstratej as we proceed, was the Georges Kiver, the en- 
trance to which is about six miles from Georges Island Harbor. 

It is difficult to believe it to have been the Penobscot Kiver, theentrance to which is abont fifty- 
miles from Georges Islands; for it would have been impossible for such a boat to have rowed that 
distance and return again in twenty-four hours, allowing the party to have taken no rest during 
the night, which is hardly a supposable case. That it could not have been the Penobscot Bay 
which they mistook for a river, will ba admitted by all acquainted with that coast. The explorers 
say it was from a " mile to half mile wide," whereas the distance across Penobscot Bay at Rock- 
land, is about ten miles. 

The gallant coves are wanting, and Camden Mountains, instead of being three miles north of 
them at Belfast, would have been passed twenty miles astern. 

I return now to our savages, who according to their appointment about 
one o'clock, came with four canoes to the shore of the island right over 
against us, where they had lodged the last night, and sent one canoe to us 
with two of those savages, who had been aboard, and another who then 
seemed to have command of them ; for though we perceived their wiHing- 
ness, yet he would not permit them to come aboard ; but he ha\'ing viewed 
us and our ship, signed that he would go to the rest of the company and 
return again. Presently after their departure it began to rain, and con- 
tinued all that afternoon, so as they could not come to us with their skins 
and furs, nor we go to them. But after an hour or thereabout, the three 
which had been with us before came again, whom we had to our fire and 
covered them with our gowns. Our captain bestowed a shirt upon him, 
whom we thought to be their chief, who seemed never to have seen any 
before ; we gave him a brooch to hang about his neck, a great knife, and 
lesser knives to the two other, and to every one of them a comb and glass, 
the use whereof we shewed them : whereat they laughed and took gladly ; 
we victualled them, and gave them aqua vita;, which they tasted but would by* 
no means drink ; our beverage they liked well, we gave them sugar candy, 
which after they had tasted they liked and desired more, and raisins which 
were given them ; and some of everything they would reserve to carry to 
their company. Wherefore we pitying their being in the rain, and therefore 
not al)le to get themselves victual (as we thought) we gave them bread 
and fish. 

Tlius because we found the land a place answerable to the intent of our 
discovery, namely, fit for any nation to inhabit, we used the people with jj^ 
as great kindness as we could devise, or found them capable of (^ 

The next day being Saturday and the first of June, I traded with the 
savages all the forenoon upon the shore, where were eight-and-twenty of 
them ; and because our ship rode nigh, we were but five or six ; where 
2* 



25 

for knives, glasses, combs, and other trifles to the value of four or five 
shillings, we had forty good beavers' skins, otters' skins, sables, and oth- 
er small skins, which we knew not how to call. Our trade being ended, 
many of them came aboard us, and did eat by our fire, and would be 
very merry and bold, in regard of our kind usage of them. Towardsj ' J^'^^ 
night our captain went on shore, to have a draft with the seine or net. <pr A^-" 
And we carried two of them with us, who marvelled to see us catch fish '^v 
with a net. Most of that we caught we gave them and their company, ^ 
Then on the shore I learned the names of divers things of them ; and \ 
when they perceived me to note them down, they would of themselves [ 
fetch fishes, and fruit bushes, and stand by me to see me write their J 
names. 

Our captain showed them a strange thing, which they wondered at. 
His sword and mine having been touched with the loadstone, took up a 
knife, and held it fast, when they plucked it away, made the knife turn, 
being laid on a block, and touching it with his sword, made that take up a 
needle, whereat they much marvelled. This we did to cause them to im- 
agine some great power in us ; and for that to love and fear us. 

When we went on shore to trade with them, in one of their canoes I saw 
their bows and arrows, which I took up and drew an arrow in one of them, 
which I found to be of strength able to carry an arrow five or six score 
strongly ; and one of them took it and drew it as we draw our bows, not 
like' the Indians. Their bow is made of witch-hazle, and sonie of beech 
in fashion much like our bows, but they want nocks, only a string of leath- 
er put through a hole at one end, and made fast with wood, some of ash, 
big and long, with three feathers tied on, and nocked very artificially ; 
headed with the long shank bone of a deer, made very sharp with two 
fangs in the manner of a harping iron. They had likewise darts headed 
with like bone, one of which I darted among the rocks and it brake not. \ 
These they use very cunningly, to kill fish, fowl and beasts. 

Our captain had two of them at supper with us in his cabin to see their 
demeanor, and had them in presence at service : who behaved themselves 
very civilly, neither laughing nor talking all the time, and at supper fed 
not like men of rude education, neither would they eat or drink more 
than seemed to content nature ; they desired pease to carry ashore to their 
women ; which we gave them, with fish and bread, and lent them pewter 
dishes, which they carefully brought again. 

In the evening another boat came to them on the shore, and because 
they had some tobacco, which they brought for their own use, the other r 
came for us, making sign what they had, and offered to carry some of us 
in their boat, but four or five of us went with them in our own boat ; 
when we came on shorefthey gave us the best welcome they could, spread- 
ing fallow deer's skins for us to sit on the ground by their fire, and gave 
us of their tobacco in our pipes, which was excellent, and so generally 
commended of us all, to be as good as any we ever took, being the sim- 
ple leaf without any composition, strong and of sweet taste ; they gave us 
some to carry to our captain whom they called our bashabes : neither did 



26 

they require anything for it, but we would not receive anything from them 
without remuneration. 

Here we saw four of their women, who stood behind them as desi- 
rous to see us, but not willing to be seen ; for before whensoever we 
came on shore, they retired into the woods, whether it were in regard of 
their own natural modesty ,^bfcing covered only as the men with the fore- 
said beaver's skins, or by the counnanding jealousy of their husbands, 
which we rather suspectetl, because it is an inclination much noted 
to be in savages ; wherefore we would by no means seem to take any 
special notice of them. They were very well favored in proportion of 
countenance, (though colored blackjlow of stature, and fat, ^ bare-headed 
as the men, wearing theii- hair long ; V^^^J ^^^^ t^o Yitth male children of 
a year and a half old as we judged^ very fat and of good countenances, 
which they love tenderly, all naked except their legs, which were covered 
with tlieir leather buskins sewed, fastened with strops to a girdle about 
their waist, which they gird veiy straight, and is decked round about with 
little round pieces of red copper : to these I gave chains and bracelets, 
glasses, and other trifles, -fthich the savages, seemed to accept in great 
kindness. 

At our coming away, we would have had those two that supped with us, 
to go aboard and sleep, as they had promised : but it appeared their com- 
pany would not suffer them. Whereat we might easily perceive they 
were much grieved ; but not long after our departure, they came with 
three more to our ship, signing to us, that if one of our company would 
go lie on shore with them, they would stay with us. Then Owen Grif- 
fen (one of the* two we were to leave in the country, if we had thought 
it needful or convenient) went with tliem in their canoe, and three of them 
stayed aboard us, whom our whole company very kindly used. Our 
captain saw their lodging provided, and them lodged in an old sail upon 
the orlop ; and because they niucli feared our dogs, they were tied up 
whensoever any of them came aboard us. 

Owen Griffen which lay on the shore, reported unto me their manner, 
and as I may term them the ceremonies of their idohitry, which they per- 
form thus. One among them (the eldest of the conipany as he judged) 
riseth right up, the other sitting still, and looking about suddenly cried 
with a loud vojce, baugh, waugh : then the women fall down, and lie 
upon the g'-ound ; and the men altogether answering the same, fall a 
stamping round about the fire with both feet, as hard as they can, making 
the ground shake, with sundry outcries, and change of voice and sound. 
Many take the fire sticks and thrust them into the earth, ixnd then rest 
awhile ; of a sudden beginning as before, they continue so stamping, till 
the younger sort fetched from the shore many stones of which every man 
took one, and first beat upon them with their fire sticks, then with the 
stones beat the earth with all their strength, and in this manner (as he re- 
ported) they continued above two hours. 

After this ended, they which have wives take them apart and withdraw 
themselves severally into the wood all night. 

The next morning as soon as ihey saw the sun rise, they pointed to 



27 

him to come with them to our ship : and having; received their men from 
us, they came with five or six of their canoes and company hovering 
about our ship : to whom (because it was the Sabbath day) I signed 
they should depart, and at the next sun-rising we would go along with 
them to their houses : which they understood (as we thought) and de- 
parted, some of their canoes coursing about the island, and the other 
directly towards the main. 

This day about five o'clock after noon, came three other canoes from 
the main, of which some had been with us before ; and they came aboard 
us, and brought us tobacco, which we took with them in their pipes, 
which were made of earth, very strong, black, and short, containing a 
great quantity ; some tobacco they gave unto our captain, and some to 
me, in very civil kind manner ; we requited them with bread and pease, 
which they carried to their company on shore, seeming very thankful ; 
^ after supper they returned with their canoe to fetch us ashore to take 
tobacco with them there, with whom six or seven of us went, and car- 
ried some trifles, if peradventure they had any truck, among which I 
carried soine few biscuits, to try, if they would exchange for them, seeing 
they so well liked to eat them. J When we came at shore they most kind- 
ly entertained us, taking us by the hands, as they had observed we did to 
them aboard in token of welcome, and brought us to sit down by their 
fire, where sat together thirteen of them. They filled their tobacco pipe, 
which was then the short claw of a lobster, which will hold ten of our 
pipes full, and we drank of their excellent tobacco as much as we would 
with them ; but we saw not any great quantity to truck for ; and it seemed 
they had not much left of old, for they spend a great quantity yearly 
by their continual drinking : and they would sign unto us, that it was 
grown yet but a foot above ground, and would be above a yard high, with 
a leaf as broad as both their hands. They often would (by pointing to 
one part of the main eastward) sign unto us, that their Bashabes (that is 
their king) had great plenty of furs, and much tobacco.' ;When we had 
sufiiciently taken tobacco with them, I shewed some of our trifles to 
trade, but they made sign that they had there notliing to exchange ; 
for (as I after conceived) they had been fishing and fowling, and so came 
thither to lodge that night by us ; for when we were ready to come away, 
they shewed us great cups made very wittily of bark, in form almost 
square, full of a red berry about the bigness of a buUis, which they did 
eat, and gave us by handfuls ; of which (though I liked not the taste) 
yet I kept some, because I would by no means but accept their kindness. 
They shewed me likewise a great piece of fish, whereof I tasted, and it 
was fat like porpoise : and another kind of great scaly fish, broiled on 
the coals, much like white salmon, which the Frenchmen call aloza,* for 
these they would have had bread ; which I refused, because in manner 
of exchan?e, I would always make the greatest esteem I could of our 
commodities whatsoever; although they saw aboard our captain was lib- 
eral to give them, to the end we might allure them still to frequent us. 

* [L'Alose is the shad.] 



28 

Then they shewed me four young goslings, for which they required four 
biscuits, "but I offered them two ; which they took and were well content. 

At our departure they made sign, that if any of us would stay there 
on shore sonic of them would go lie aboard us ; at which motion two of 
our company stayed with them, and three of the savages lodged with us 
in manner as the night before. 

Early the next morning, being Monday, the third of June, when they 
had brought our men aboard, they came about our ship, earnestly by 
signs desiring that we would go with them along to the main, for tliat 
there they had furs and tobacco to traffick with us. Wherefore our cap- 
tain manned the light-horseman with as many men as he could well, which 
were about fifteen with rowers and all : and we went along with them. 
Two of their canoes they sent away before, and they which lay aboard 
us all night, kept company with us to direct us. 

This we noted as we went along, they in their canoe with three oars, 
would at their will go ahead of us and about us when we rowed with 
eight oars strong ; such was their swiftness, by reason of the lightness 
and artificial composition of their canoe and oars. 

AVhen we came near the point where we saw their fires, where they in- 
tended to land, and where they imagined some few of us would come on 
shore with our merchandise, as we had accustomed before, when they had 
often numbered our men very dilligently, they scoured away to their com- 
pany, not doubting we would have followed them. But when we per- 
ceived this, and knew not either their intents or number of savages on the 
shore, our captain, after consultation, stood off, and wafted them to us, 
determining that I should go on shore first to take a view of them, and 
what they had to traffic ; if he, whom at our first sight of them seemed 
to be of most respect among them, and being then in the canoe, would 
stay as a pawn for me. When they came to us (notwithstanding all our 
fonner courtesies) he utterly refused, but would leave a young savage, 
and for him our captain sent Griffen in their canoe, while we lay hulling 
a little off. Griffen, at his return, reported that they had there assem- 
bled together, as he numbered them, two hundred eighty-three savages, 
every one his bow and arrows, with their dogs and wolves, which tliey 
keep tame, at command, and not any thing to exchange at all ; but would 
have drawn us further up into a little narrow nook of a river, for their 
furs, as they pretended. 

These things considered, we began to join them in the rank of other 
savages, who have been by travellers in most discoveries found very 
treacherous, never attempting mischief until, by some remissness, fit op- 
portunity afforded them certain ability to execute the same. Wherefore, 
after good advice taken, we determined, so soon as we could, to take some 
of them, lea.st (being suspicious we had discovered their plots) they 
should absent themselves from us. 

Tuesday, the fourth of June, our men took cod and haddock with 
hooks by our ship side, and lobsters very great, which before we had not 
tried. 

About eight o'clock, this day, we went on shore with our boats, to fetch 



29 

aboard water and wood, our captain leaving word with the gunner in the 
ship, by discharging a musket, to give notice if they espied any canoe 
coming, which they did about ten o'clock. He therefore, being careful 
they should be kindly treated, requested me to go aboard, intending with 
i dispatch to make what haste after he possibly could. When I came to 
\ the shipHthere were two canoes, and in either of them three savages, of 
whom two were below at the fire ; the others staid in their canoes about 
the ship, and because we could not entice them aboard we ffave them a 
can of pease and bread, which they carried to the shore to eat ; but one 
of them brought back our can presently, and staid aboard with the other 
two ; for he being young, of a ready capacity, and one we most desired to 
bring with us into England, had received exceeding kind usage at our 
hands, and was therefore much delighted in our company. When our 
captain was come, we consulted how to catch the other three at shore, 
which we performed thus. 

We manned the light horseman with seven or eight men, one standing 
before carried our box of merchandise, as we were wont when I went to 
trafiic with them, and a platter of pease, which meat they loved ; but be- 
fore we were landed, one of them (being so suspiciously fearful of his 
own good) withdrew himself into the wood. The othe;: two met us on 
the shore side, to receive the pease, with whom we went up the cliff to 
their fire and sat down with them, and while we were discussing how to 
catch the third man who was gone, I opened the box, and shewed them 
trifles to exchange, thinking thereby to have banished fear from the other, 
and drawn him to return : but when we could not, we used little* delay, 
but suddenly laid hands upon them, and it was as much as five or six of 
us could do to get them into the light horseman, for they were strong 
and so naked as our best hold was by their long hair on their heads ; and 
we would have been very loath to have done them any hurt, which of 
necessity we had been constrained to have done if we had attempted 
them in a multitude, which we must and would, rather than have wanted 
them, being a matter of great importance for the full accomplishment of 
our vo3'age. 

■ Thus we shipped five savages, two canoes, with all their bows and 
arrows. 

The next day we made an end of getting our wood aboard, and filled 
our empty cask with water. 

Thursday the sixth of June, we spent in bestowing the canoes upon 
the orlop safe from hurt, because they were subject to breaking, which 
our captain was careful to prevent. 

Saturday the eighth of June, our captain (being desirous to finish all 
business about the harbor) very early in the morning, with the light horse- 
man, coasted five or six leagues about the islands adjoining, and sounded 
all along wheresoever we went, he likewise dilHgently searched the mouth 
of the harbor, and about the rocks which shew themselves at all times, 
and are an excellent breach of the water, so as no sea can come in to of- 
fend the harbor. This he did to instruct himself and thereby able to di- 
rect others that shall happen to come to this place. For everywhere both 



^^ 



80 

near the rocks, and In all soundings about tlie islands we never found less 
water than four or five fathoms which was seldom, but seven, eight, nine, 
and ten fathoms is the continual sounding by the shore. In some places 
Inuch deeper upon clay ooze or soft sand : so that if any bound for this 
place should be either driven or scanted with winds, he shall be able 
(with his directions) to recover safely his harbor most securely in water 
enough by four several passages, more than which I think no man of 
judgment will desire as necessary.* 

Upon one of the islands (because it had a pleasant sandy cove for 
small barks to ride in) we landed and found hard by the shore a pond of 
fresh water, which flowed over the banks, somewhat overgrown with little 
shrub trees, and searching up in the island, we saw it fed with a strong 
run, which with small labor, and little time, might be made to drive a 
mill.f In this island, as in the other, were spruce trees of excellent 
timber and height, able to mast ships of great burthen. 

While we thus sounded from one place to another in so good depths, 
our captain^ to make some trial of the fishing himself, caused a hook or 
two to be cast out at the mouth of the harbor, not above half a league 
from our ship, where in small time only, with the baits which they cut 
from the fish and three hooks, wo got fish enough for our whole company 
(though now augmented) for three days which I omit not to report, be* 
cause it sheweth how great a profit the fishing would be, they being so 
plentiful, so great, and so good, with such convenient drying as can be 
wished, near at hand upon the rocks. 

Tlrts day, about one o'clock afternoon, came from the eastward two ca- 
noes aboard us, wherein was he that refused to stay with us for a pawn, 
and with him six other savages which we had not seen before, who had 
beautified themselves after their manner very gallantly though their cloth- 
ing was not differing from the former, yet they had newly painted their 
faces very deep, some all black, some red, with stripes of excellent blue 
over their upper lips, nose and chin One of them wore a kind of coro- 
net about his head, made very cunningly, of a substance like stiff hair 
colored red, broad, and more than a handful in depth, which we imagined 
to be some insigne of his superiority : for he so much esteemed it as he 
would not for anything exchange the same. Others wore the white feath- 
ered skins of some fowl, round about their head, jewels in their ears, 
and bracelets of little white round bone, fastened together upon a leather 
string. These made not any show that they had notice of the other before ta- 
ken, but we understood them by their speech and signs, that they came 
sent from the bashabes and that his desire was that we would bring up 
our ship (which they call as their own boats, a quiden^ to his house being 
as they pointed, upon the main towards the east, from whence they came, 
and that he would exchange with us for furs and tobacco. But because 
our company was but small, and now our desire was with speed to dis- 
cover up the river, we let them understand, that if their bashabes would 

* This degcrlption, It will be seen, agrees with Qeorfjes Island harbor as per plan. 
t Oa Monbegau Island, the bed of which it still visible. There is also a swamp on Hooper's 
Island, which would perhaps appi/. 



81 



•l^Sf^'ty^.A^J^y 



A 



>/i/^., '/tfi- 



come to us lie sliould be welcome, but we would not remove to him.. 
Which when they understood (received of us bread and fish, and every of 
them a knife) they departed for we had then no will to stay them long 
aboard, least they should discover the other savages which we had stowed 
below. 

This canoe, it will be noticed, catne from the east, the residence of their King or Bashaba, who 
sent a request to the Captain to " being his ship Up to his house." This must have been on ol" 
about the Penobscot River, where the traditional city of Horumbega, is supposed to have been 
located. It seems that the captain refused to go in that direction,— east, — as he intended to ex« 
plore the river just discovered in the range of the mountains to the northward. Is not this a 
strong circumstance to prove that the Penobscot, was not the riVer be intended to explore? 

Tuesday the eleventh of June, we passed up into the river with our 
ship, about six and twenty milesJ*"of which I had rather not Write, than 
by my relation to detract from the worthiness thereof.* For the river, be* 
sides that it is subject by shipping to bring in all traffics of merchandise, ^ 
a benefit always accounted the richest treasury to any land ; for which 
cause our Thames hath that due denomination, and France by her naviga* 
ble rivers receiveth her greatest wealth ; yet this place of itself from God 
and nature affordeth as much diversity of good commodities, as any rea" 
Bonable man can wish for present habitation and planting. 

The expression "passed up into the river," would naturally Infer that the river was but a short 
distance from the starting point. The twenty-six miles here stated, is over estimated somewhat. 
That they made no measurement is evident from the fact of using the word " about." The true 
distance I conjecture to have been from 16 to 18 miles, placing her just above the site of the old 
fort at St. George. I select this point, as allowing the boat Sufficient time on the 13th of June, 
to ascend to Watson's Point before daybreak, where the cross was erected. 

!^A The first and chiefest thing required ."^is a bold coast and fair land to 
,,jj^fall with ; the nest, a safe harbor for ships to ride in. 

The first is a special attribute to this shorOj being most free from sands 
.«\s>.'*t.for dangerous rocks in a continual good depth, with a most excellent land 
^ fallj'which is the first land we fell with, named by Us, Saint George's 
Island. 

***^ This name " Saint Georges," given first to Monhegan by Waymouth, from his own name and » 

that of his country's patron Saint, and afterwards by Popham and Gilbert to the island at Pente- "tl ^^^ ^ ^ 
cost ^drfior, where they found Waymouth's cross, was soon applied to the whole group at the 
mouth of the river, as well as to the river itself, which they have retained up to the present 
time. 

For the second, by judgment of our captain, who knoweth most of the 
coast of England, and most of other countries, (having been experienced 
by employments in discoveries, and travels from his childhood) and by 
opinion of others of good judgment in our ship, here are more good har- 
bors for ships of all burthens, than'^ngland can afford, and far ^riore se- 
cure from all winds and weathers, than any in England. Scotland ,*Trance 
or Spain. * For (besides without the river in the channel, and sounds 
about the islands adjoining to the mouth thereof, no better riding can be 
desired for an infinite number of ships) the river itself as it runneth up 
into the main very nigh forty miles toward the great mountains, beareth 
in breadth a mile, s6metimes three-quarters, and half a mile is the nar- 
rowest, where you shall never have under four and five fathoms water 



- ha,U 



/ 



hard by the shore, but six, seven, eight, nine, ami ten fathoms'all along, 
'■'ttnil on both sides every half mile very gallant coves,* some able to con- 
tain almost a hundred sail, where the ground is excellent soft ooze with a 
tougli clay under fur anchor hold, and where ships may lie without either 
cable or anchor, only moored to the shore with a hawser. 

It floweth by their judgment eighteen or twenty feet at high water. 

I appeal to any one acquainted with the tide waters of Georges BiTer to say, allowing for the 
overstated distances and flow of the tide, whether the foregoing description is not in exact agree- 
tneut with that river, including " the breadth," the " de])th of water," the "bold shore," the 
'* gallant coves," and the " most excellent places for docks." It is evident that the historian's 
guess at the flow of the tide " 18 or 20 feet" is incorrect, otherwise we must seek for the river 
somewhere in the Bay of Fundy. The height of the tides at Kennebec is about 8 feet, at the 
Georges about 9 feet, and at Belfast where Capt. Williams places the anchorage 10 feet.f 

Here are made by nature most excellent places, as docks to grave or 
careen ships of all burthens ; secured from all winds, which is such a nec- 
essary incomparable benefit, that in few places in England or in any part 
of Christendom, art, with great charges, can make the like. 

Besides the bordering land is a most rich neighbor trending all along on 
both sides, in an equal plain neither mountainous nor rocky but verged 
with a green border of grass, doth make tender unto the beholder of her 
pleasant fertility, if by cleansing away the woods she were converted into 
meadow. 

The wood she beareth, is not shrubbish, fit only for fuel, but goodly 
tall fir, spruce, birch, beech, oak, which in many places is not so thick, 
but may with small labor be made feeding ground, being plentiful like 
the outward islands with fresh water, which strearaeth down in many 
places. 

As we passed with a gentle wind up with our ship in this river, any 
man may conceive with what admiration we all consented in joy. Many 
of our company who had been travellers in sundry countries, and in the 
most famous rivers yet affirmed them not comparable to this they now be- 
held. Some that were with Sir Walter Ealeigh in his voyage to Guiana, 
-4n the 4iscovery of the river Orenoque, which echoed fame to the world's 
cars, gave reason why it was not to be compared with this, which wanteth 
the dangers of many shoals, and broken ground, wherewith that was in- 
cumbered. Others ' before that notable river in the West Indies called 
llio Grande ; some before the river of Loire ; the river Seine, and of 
Bordeaux in France ; which although they be great and goodly rivers, 
3'ot it is no detraction from them to be accounted inferior to this, which not 
cnl_y yieldeth all tlie foresaid pleasant profits, but also appeared infallibly 
to us free from all inconveniences. 

I will not prefer it before our river of Thames, because it is England'.>J 
richest treasure ; but we all did wish those excellent harbors, good deeps 
iu a continual convenient breadth, and small tide gates, to be as well 
therein for our country's good, as we found them here (beyond our 
hopes) in certain, for those to whom it shall please God to grant this land 

■ Turkey core. Maple Juce, Broad cove, Marshall's, Ilyler's, Hint's, Teal's, &c. 
t American Almanac for 1832, also as per letters received from prominent residents. 



^ 



'33 

for habitation ; wliich if it had, with the other inseparable adherent com- 
modities here to be found ; then I would boldly affirm it to be the most 
rich, beautiful, large and secure harboring river that the world affordeth. 
Wednesday the twelfth of June, our captain manned his light horse- 
man with 17 men, and run up from the ship, riding in the river up to 
the codde thereof, where we landed, leaving six to keep the light horse- 
man till our return. Ten of us with our shot, and some armed, with a 
boy to carry powder and match, marched up into the country towards the o.J^ 
mountains, which we descried at our first falling with the land.* < Unto ■ '-" 

some of them the river brought us so near, as we judged ourselves when 
we landed to have been within a league of them ; sbjit we marched up * 
about four miles in the main and passed over three, ^ills: and because ' 
the weather was parching hot, and our men in their armour not able to 
travel far and return that night to our ship, we resolved not to pass any 
further, being all very weary of so tedious and laborsome a travel. 

This word Codde, spelt Cod below, is a saxon word now obsolete, which signifies a case 
or pod in which seed is enclosed. Mr. Willis supposes it to mean here a narrow bay or indenta- 
tion into the land. Mr. McKeen takes the same view, and we have just such an opening or small 
bay, at the turn of the river opposite General Knox's mansion. At the shore nearly in front of 
said mansion, the " light horseman," landed her ten men and the boy. If the party headed direct- 
ly toward the mountain which they at this time, judged to be " within a league of them," (Marsh- 
e's Mountain distant about three miles) then the farthest stream that they passed, and which 
was " able to drive a mill," must have been Mill-River stream. They may have headed towards t 

Mt. Pleasant, also in sight, in which case they struck upon Oyster-River stream; either route r^^tv—v 
would agree with the narrative. 

In this march we passed over very good ground, pleasant and fertile, 
fit for pasture, for the space of some three miles, having but little wood, 
and that oak, like stands left in our pastures in England, good and great, 
fit timber for any use, some small birch, hazle and brake, which might in 
small time with few men be cleansed and made good arable land : but as 
it now is will feed cattle of all kinds with fodder enough for summer and 1*.,^^^ 
winter. The soil is black, bearing sundry herbs, grass, strawberries ^ig- "' ^^vt"^ 
ger than ours in England, J In many places are low thicks *like our copses *^ 
of small young wood. And surely it did all resemble a stately park, 
wherein appear some old trees with high withered tops and other flourish- 
ing with living green boughs. Upon the hills grow notable high timber <j,.,' ^ 
trees, masts for ships of four hundred ton ; And at the bottom of every ' .\_ 
hill a little run of fresh water ; but the farthest and last we passed ran ' '^ '' 
with a great stream able to drive a mill. 

We might see in some places where fallow deer and hares had been, 
and by the rooting of ground we supposed wild hogs had ranged there, 
but we could descry no beast, because our noise still chased them from 
us. 

We were no sooner come aboard our light horseman, returning towards 
our ship, but we espied a canoe coming from the further part of the cod 
of the river eastward, which hasted to us wherein with two others, was 
he ^who refused to stay for a pawn |' and his coming was very earnestly 
importing to have one of our men to go lie on store with their bashabes 

* Purchase adds here, " and were constantly- in our view." J 



^,,Wi^^^\ 



84 

(who was there on shore as they signed) and then the nest morning fi^ 
would come to our ship with many furs and tobacco. This we perceived 
to be only a mere device to get posession of any of our men, to ransom 
all those which we had taken, which our natural policy could not so shad- 
ow, but we did easily discover and prevent. These means were by this 
savage practised, because we had one of his kinsmen prisoner, as w© 
judged by his most kind usage of him being aboard us together. 

Thii canoe came from Penobscot Bay, either by the carrying place belween Weskeag Rirerj 
and the "Cod," or by the northern one between Rockland Harbor and Mill-Biyer stream, both of 
which entered the " Cod " of the river on the eastern shore, at no great distance apart. 

There were three Indian carrying places on this river referred to by early writers, the two just 
mentioned, and another farther down the river, perhaps from Long Cove, directly across to Eilt'8 
Cove, in Georges River. This lower one is not however now so easily identified, but the uppef 
one between Rockland Harbor and Mill-River, has been used by the Indians within the knowl* 
edge of the writer. 

Thursday the thirteenth of June, by two o'clock in the morning (be- 
cause our captain would take the help and advantage of the tide) in the 
light horseman with our company well provided and furnished with ar- 
mor and shot both to defend and offend ; we went from our ship up to 
that part of the river which trended westward into the main, to search 
that ; and we carried with us a cross, to erect at that point, which (be- 
cause it was not daylight) we left on the shore until our return back when 
we set it up in manner as the former. For this (by the way) we dili- 
gently observed, that in no place, either about the islands, or up in the 
main, or alongst the river, we could discern any token or sign, that ever 
any christain had been before : of which either by cutting wood, digging 
for water, or setting up crosses (a thing never omitted by any christain 
■travellers) we should have perceived some mention left. 

This was Watson's Point, on the western side of the '' Cod," where the river turns, and trends 
due Weat. On the rocks at this point, are some old and singular marks, whether artificial or nat' 
aral, it is now difficult to determine. 

The boat arrived at Watson's Point before light, aay about three o'clock, and having left their 
cross on the shore,' proceeded on I think as far as Counce's ship-yard in Warren, where large 
ships have been built until recently. 

But to return to our river further up into which we then rowed by es- 
timation twenty miles, the beauty and goodness whereof I cannot by re- 
lation suflBciently demonstrate. 

This is over estimated just about one half. By adding this estimate to the first one of 26 miles, 
it makes the whole distance made in the river, 46 miles. Now H will be remembered, that his 
previous estimate of the whole length of the river on page 23 was " very nigh forty miles." 
These estimated distances of Rosier, do not harmonize with each other, and will not apply to any 
river on the coast of New England. 

That which I can say in general is this : what profit or pleasure so- 
ever is described and truly verified in the former part of the river, is 
wholly, doubled in this; for the breadth and depth is such, that any ship 
drawing seventeen or eighteen feet water, might have passed as far as 
we went with our light horseman and by all our men's judgment much 
further, because we left in so good depth (and breadth J) which is so much 
the more to be esteemed of greater worth, by how much it treudeth furtb- 









u 

%t Tip into tlie maiti ; for from the place of our ships riding in the harbor 
'^t the entrance into the sounds to the furthest part we "were in this riv- 
ler, by our estimation was not mut;h less than threescore miles. 

By this estimate we can airlve proximately, to the distance that he judged the Island Har- 
bor to be, froto the entrance to the river. He estimates the whole distance made at " not much 
7ess'* than sixty miles, 1 will call it 56 thiles . From this deduct the 26 miles sailed and 20 miles 
boating, 46 miles, gives his estimate from the mouth of the river to Pentecost Harbor, at 10 miles. 
i^oW the true distance Is about 6 miles, which makes it agree in proportion to all his other over 
estimates, and is not startling for its absurdity. It is only When all these over estimated amounts 
are taken in gross, as in the last case, that the error is so manifestly apparent. 

l?rom each bank of this river are divers branching streams into the 
main, whereby is afforded an unspeakable profit by the conveniency of 
transportation from place to place which in some countries is both charg- 
able, and not to be fit, by carriages or wain, or horseback. , 

Here we saw great store of fish, some j great' leaping above water, 
which we judged to be salmons. All along is an excellent mould of 
ground. The wood in most places, especially on the east side very thin, 
chiefly oak and some small young birch, bordering low upon the river; 
all fit for meadow and pasture ground ; and in that space we went, we 
hati on both sides the river many plain plots of meadow, some of three 
or four acres, some of eight or nine ; so as we judged in the whole to 
be between thirty and forty acres of good grass, and where the arms 
run out into the main, there likewise went a space on both sides of clear 
grass, how far we know not ; in many places we might see paths made 
to come down to the watering. * 

This appearance is still seen at the mouth of Oyster Kiver. Other meadows are found at inter- 
vals cm each aide of Georges Kiver, nearly all the way up to the head of the tide. . I ■■ 

The excellency of this part of the river, for his good breadth, depth, I ^V"^ 
and fertile bordering ground, did so ravish us all with variety of pleasant- ^'^•^'•' 
ness, as we could not tell what to commend, but only admired ; some com- 
pared it to the river Severn, (but in a higher degree) and we all conclu- 
ded as I verily think we might right) that we should never see the like \ / 
river in every degree equal, until it pleased God we beheld the same 
again. '/ For the farther we went, the more pleasing it was to every man, 
alMring us still with expectation Of better, so as out men, although they 
had with great labor rowed long and. eat nothing (for we carried with us 
no victual, but a little cheese and bread) yet they were so refreshed with 
the pleasant beholding thereof, and so loath to forsake it, as some of them 
afiSrmed, they would have continued willingly with that only fare ,and la- 
bor two days ; but the tide not suffering us to make any longer stay (be- 
cause we were to come back with the tide) and our captain better know- 
ing what was fit than we, and better what they in labor were able to endure, 
being very loath to make any desperate hazard, where so little necessity re- 
quired, thought it best to make return, because whither we had discovered 
•Was sufficient to conceive that the river ran very far into the land, for we 
passed six or seven miles, altogether fresh water (whereof we all drank) 
forced up by the flowing pf the salt : which after a great while ebb where 
we left it, by breadth of channel and depth of water was likely to run by 



86 . J 

estimation of our wtole company an unknown way farther : the geareli 
whereof our captain hath left' till his. return, if it shall so please God to 
dispose of him and us. 

I presume the fresh water, as a general thing, does not resch much farther than three mile* 
from the head of the tide, except perhaps during a freshet, and whether or not there was one at 
this time, no one knows. Allowance then must be made for this over estimate as well as all the 
others. The fact that these estimates are all in proportional excess, is much more reasonable than 
to be obliged, as in the Kennebec and Penobscot theories to add to them iu some eases, aad to 
deduct in others, and never in any regular proportion. 

For we having now by the direction of the Omnipotent Disposer of all 
good intents (far beyond the period of our hopes) fallen with so bold a 
coast, found so excellent and secure harbor, for as many ships as any na- 
tion professing Christ is able to set forth to sea, discovered a river, which 
the all-creating God, with his most liberal hand, hath made above repojt 
notable with his foresaid blessings, bordered with a land, whose pleasant 
fertility bewrayeth itself to be the garden of nature, wherein she only in- 
tended to delight herself, having hitherto obscured it to any, except to a 
purblind generation, whose understanding it hath pleased God to darken, 
as they can neither discern, use, or rightly esteem the un valuable riches 
in midst whereof they live sensually content with the bark and outward 
rinds, as neither knowing the sweetness of the inward marrow, nor ac- 
knowledging the Deity, of the Almighty giver : having I say thus far 
proceeded, and having some of the inli&bitant nation (of best understand- 
ing we saw among them) who (learning our language) may be able to 
give us further instruction, concerning all the premised particulars, as alao 
of their governors, and government, situation of towns, and what else 
shall be convenient, which by no means otherwise we could by any obser- 
vation of ourself learn in a long time ; our captain now wholly intended 
his provision for speedy return. For although the time of year and our 
victual were not so spent, but we could have made a longer voyage, in 
searching farther and trading for very good commodities, yet as they might 
have been much profitable so (our company being small) much more 
prejudicial to the whole state of our voyage, which we were most regard- 
ful now not to hazard. For we supposing not a little present private profit, 
but a public good and zeal of promulgating God's holy church, by planting 
Christianity, to be the sole intent of the honorable setters forth of thi* 
discovery ; thought it generally most expedient, by our speedy return, to 
give the longer space of time to make provision for so weighty an enter- 
prise. . 

Here now allowing for over estimated distances, is a remarkably correct description of Georges 
Eiver, such as cannot fall to be recognized on referring to the accompanying map. The descrip- 
tion is glowing and radiant, as might well be expected of individuals in their situation, amid 
strange and beautiful scenery ; yet at the same time it is remarkably true to nature. It needi) 
no forced construction of the te.\t; the scenery, locations, and geography of that section are de- 
scribed just as they are seen at the present day. The highlands, the " Cod" with its two diverg- 
ing branches, one " trendini/ westw'ard into the mayne," the other from the ^•farther part 
(if the Cod eastward," the breadth and depth of water, the bold shore, coves, &c. 

Friday, the 14th day of June, early by four o'clock in the morning, 






j/tJ^" . (y-' 



37 



with the tide, our two boats, and a little help of the wind, we rewed down 
to the river's mouth, and there came to an anchor about eleven o'clock. 
Afterwards our captain in the light horseman searched the soundings all 
about the mouth and coraingito the river, for his certain instruction of a 
perfect description. 
,^ The next day being Saturday, we weighed anchor, and with a breeze 
from the land, we sailed up to our watering place and there stopped, went 
on shore and filled all our empty casks with fresh water. 

Our captain upon the rock in the midst of the harbor observed the 
height, latitude, and variation exactly upon his instruments. 

1. Astrolabe. 2. Semisphere. 3. Ring instrument. 4. Cross staff. 
5. And an excellent compass made for the variation.*- 

The certainty whereof, together with the particularities of every depth 
and sounding, as well at our falling with the land, as in the discovery, 
and at our departure from the coast ; I refer to his own relation in the 
map of his geographical description, which for the benefit of others he in- 
tendeth most exactly to publish. 

The temperature of the climate (albeit a veiy important matter^ I had 
almost passed without mentioning, because it afforded to us no great alter- 
ation from our disposition in England : somewhat hotter up into the main, 
because it lieth open to the south: the air so wholesome, as I suppose not 
any of us found ourselves at any time more healthful, more able to labor, 
nor with better stomachs to such g-ood fare, as we partly brought, and 
partly found. - , 

Sunday, the 16th of June, the wind being fair, and because we had 
set out of England upon a Sunday, made the islands upon a Sunday, 
and as we doubt not (by God's appointment) happily fell into our harbor 
upon a Sunday ; so now (beseeching him still with Hke prosperity to bless 
our return into England our country, and from thence with his good will 
and pleasure to hasten our next arrival there) we weighed anchor and 
quit the land upon a Sunday. ^^ 

Tuesday, the 18th day, being not run above thirty leagues from land, 
and our captain for his certain knowledge how to fall with the coast, hav- 
ing sounded every watch, and from forty fathoms had come into good 
deeping, to seventy, and so to an hundred : this day the weather being 
fair, after the four o'clock watoh, when we supposed not to have found 
ground so far from land, and before sounded in above one hundred fath- 
oms, we had ground in twenty-four fathoms. Wherefore our sails be- 
ing down, Thomas King boatswain, presently cast out a hook, and before 
he judged it at ground, was fished and hauld up an exceeding great and 
well fed cod, then there were cast out three or four more, and the fish 



* In the account of this voyage contaiced in Purchase, vol. 4, is added here the following : 
" The latitude he found to be 43 deg., 20 min., North. The variation 11 deg., 15 min., viz., one 
point of the compass Westward. And itis so much at Limehouse by London eastward. The 
temperature afforded us no special alteration from our disposition in England : somewhat hot- 
ter up into the main, because it lieth open to the South, but scarce yielding a sensible difference 
to any of us.""" These additions to Hosier's account made by Purchase, who wrote about A. D., 
1620, give evidence to me, that he had access to Capt. Waymouth's private account which Rosier 
says, was to be published : and j^erhaps the Log-book. He may likewise have had personal con- 
ference with some of the individu<tls of the expedition. 



"-*-^^ W ^^- 



38 

■was so plentiful and so great, as when oar captain would have set sail, we * 

all desired liim to suffer them to take fish awhile, because we were so de- 
lighted to see them catch so great fish, so fast as the hook came down : 
some with playing with the hook they took by the back, and one of the 
mates with two hooks at a lead, at five draughts together hauled up ten 
fishes : all were generally very great, some they measured to be five feet 
long, and three feet about. 

This caused our captain not to marvel at the shoulding, for he per- 
ceived it was a fish bank ; which (for our farewell from the land) it pleased 
God in continuance of his blessings, to give us knowledge of ; the a])un- 
dant profit whereof should be alone sufficient cause to draw men again, if 
there were no other good both in present certain, and in hope probable to 
be discovered. To amplify this with words, were to add light to the sun ; 
for every one in the ship could easily account this present commodity : 
much more those of judgment which knew what belonged to fishing, 
would warrant (by the help of God in a short voyage) with few good fish- 
ers to make a more profitable return from hence than from Newfoundland : 
the fish being so much greater, better fed, and abundant with train, of 
which some they desired, and did bring into England to bestow among 
their friends, and to testify the true report. 

After we kept our course directly for England, and with ordinary 
winds, and sometimes calms, upon Sunday, the 14th of July, about six 
o'clock at night, we were come into sounding in our channel, but with 
dark weather and contrary winds, we were constrained to beat up and 
down till Tuesday, the 16th of July, when by five o'clock in the morn- 
ing we made Scylly ; from whence, hindered with calms and small winds, 
•upon Thursday, the 18th of July, about four o'clock afternoon we came 
into Dartmouth : which haven happily (with God's gracious assistance) 
we made our last and first harbor in England. 

Further I have thought fit to add some things worthy to be regarded, 
which we have observed from the savages since we took them. 

First although at the time when we surprised them, they made their 
best resistance, not knowing our purpose, nor what we were, nor how we 
meant to use them ; yet after perceiving by their kind usage we intended 
them no harm, they have never since seemed discontented with us, but 
very tractable, loving and willing by their best means to satisfy us in 
anything we demand of them, by words or signs for their understanding; 
neither have they at any time been at the least discord among themselves : 
insomuch as we have not seen them angry, but merry ; and so kind, as if 
you give anything to one of them, he will distribute part to every one of 
the rest. 

We have brought them to understand some English, and we under* 
stand much of their language : so as we are able to ask them many things. 
And this we have observed, that if we shew them anything, and ask 
them if they have it in their country, they will tell you if they have it, 
and the use of it, the difference from ours in bigness, color, or form : 
but if they have it not be it a thing never so precious, they will deny the 
knowledge of it. 



39 

They have names for many stars, which they will show in the firma- 
ment. 

They shew great reverence to their king, and are in great subjection to 
their governors : and they will shew a great respect to any we tell them 
are our commanders. 

They shew the manner how they make bread of their Indian wheat, 
and how they make butter and cheese of the milk they have of the rein- 
deer and fallow deer, which they have tame as we have cows.* 

They have excellent colors. And having seen our indigo, they make 
shew of it, or of some other like thing which maketh as good a blue. 

One especial thing is their manner of killing the whale, which they 
call powdawe ; and will describe his form ; how he bloweth up the water ; 
and that he is twelve fathoms long ; and that they go in company of their 
king with a multitude of their boats, and strike him with a bone made in 
fashion of a harping iron fastened to a rope, which they make great and 
strong of the bark of trees, which they veer out after him : then all their 
boats come about him, and as he riseth above water, with their arrows 
they shoot him to death : when they have killed him and dragged him to 
shore, they call all .their chief lords together, and sing a song of joy : 
and those chief lords whom they call sagamores, divide the spoil, and 
give to every man a share, which pieces so distributed, they hang up 
about their houses for provision ; and when they boil them, they blow ofiF 
the fat, and put to their pease, maize, and other pulse which they eat. 



A Brief Note of what Profits we saw the Country yield in the small time of 

our stay there. 



Tkees. Oak of an excellent grain, straight and great timber: elm, 
beech : birch, very tall and great ; of whose bark they make their ca- 
noes. Witch-hazle, hazle, alder, cherrytree, ash, maple, yew, spruce, 
aspen, fir. Many fruit trees which we knew not. 

Fowls. Eagles, hernshaws, cranes, ducks great, geese, swans, pen- 
guins, crows, shrikes, ravens, mews, turtle-doves. Many birds of sun- 
dry colors ; many other fowls in flocks, unknown. 

Beasts. Reindeer, stags, fallow-deer, bears, wolves, beaver, otter, hare, 
cony, hedge-hogs, polecats, wild greatcats. Dogs ; some like wolves, 
some like spaniels. 

* It will be noticed that Rosier does not state this from what he saw personally, it was what the 
natives told them. If there ia any falsehood about it, it lays with the Indians, and not Rosier. 



40 

Fishes. "UTiales, seals, cod very great, haddock gi-eat, herring; great, 
plaise, thornback, roekfish, lobster great, crabs, muscles great, with pearls 
in them, cockles, Tvilks, cunnerfish, lumps, tortoises, oysters, whiting, 
seals. 

Fruits, plants and herbs. Tobacco excellent, sweet and strong ; 
abundance of wild vines, strawberries, raspberries, gooseberries, whurtle- 
berries, currant trees, rose-bushes ; pease, ground-nuts ; angelica, a most 
sovereign herb ; an herb that spreadeth the ground, and smelleth like 
sweet marjoram, great plenty ; very good dyes, which appear by their 
paintings, which they carry with them in bladders. 

The names of the five savages which we brought home into England, 
which are all yet alive, are these. 

1. Tahanedo, a sagamore or commander. 

2. Amoret; ^ 

3. Skicowaros ; > Gentlemen. 

4. Maneddo; ) 

5. SafFacomoit, a servant. 



This is the end of Rosier's Narrative, a valuable historical paper. It has never before been 
published in this country, save in the 8th vol. o( 3d series, Mass. Hist. Col., from which this la 
copied. I have thought it necessary to publish it in this form, not only for the purpose of bring- 
ing it within the reach of all readers, but as calculated, in my estimation to prove conclusively 
that the Georges River, is the river referred to in the narrative. 

The people of Bath and vicinity, well know that neither the White Mountains, nor any other 
Tnouwinens, appear as if " within three miles of them," and if Waymouth landed in his boat 
within three miles of any high mountains, it was not at Bath. On the contrary the people of 
Thomaston and vicinity, know that their neighboring mountains are in view from Monhegan, 
and agree in every particular, with the highland described in this narrative. 

This in connection with Gorge's statement that it was the " Pemaquid,"* when he knew of the 
existence of the two other rivers, often alluding to them by their Indian names of Sagadahnc and 
Penobscot, and when we know also that the region between the Penobscot and Sagadahoc bore at 
that time, the general name of Pemaquid,t it would seem to be pooof enough to establish Way- 
mouth's river as being situated between the Penobscot and Kennebec. Georges River then, ly- 
ing in that locality, and having been shown to agree in every particular to the description as 
above given by Rosier, can the question as to the locality of Way mouth's explorations still remain 
unsettled ? 

* Page 17, Maine His. Col. vol. 2. 

t Willis, page 21, Maine Col. vol. 5, also Belknap. 



APPENDIX. 



An extract from the first volume, fourth series, of the Massachusetts Historical 
Collection of " History of Travaile into Virginia, by William Strachey, 
Gent," from page 232 to 240, which shows the track of the Popham and Gil- 
bert Expedition in 1607, their approach to the coast and anchorage at St. 
Georges Islands, nine days previous to entering the Kennebec. 

From whence tbey stood still to the westward untill the twenty- 
seventh of July, being then in the latitude of 43 and two thirds, where 
they threw out the dipsing lead, and had grownd, but twenty fathome 
and twenty-two fathome, upon a banck, and here they fisht some three 
bowers, and, tooke neere two hundred of cod, very great fish, and where 
they might have laden their ship in lyttle tyme.* 

From hence they stood in for the mayne, the wynd being at so-west, 
and as they run in for the land, they alwaies sounded from this banck, 
and having run some twelve leagues from the bank nor-west, they sounded, 
and had sixty fathom ouze, ground black. The wynd now growing scant, 
they were constreyned to stand for the so-ward, and made south so-west 
way, and sounded again the next daye, being the twenty-eighth of July, 
and had thirty fathome ; small stones and white shells, fishing grownd. 

29. They made a west waie untill noone, and then sounded ; had one 
hundred and sixty fathome black ouze.t 

30. About X of the clock in the morning, they had sight of the 
land, andyt bore of them nor-west. They sounded, being ten leagues 
from the shoar, and had one hundred fathomes black ouze. 'J They 
made towards the shoar, but could not recover yt before the night tooke 
them ; for which they were constrayned to bear of a little from the land, 
and lye a hull all that night, where they found abundance of fish 
very large and great, and the water deepe hard abourd the shoai-e, 
eighteen or twenty fathome. 

31. Standing in for the shoare in the aftemoone, they came to an an- 
chor under an island, || for all this coast is full of islands, but very sound 
and good for shipping to passe by them, and the water deepe hard abourd 

* Pollock rip, or some bank S. W. of Nova Scotia. 

T This is evidently an error, 160 fathoms is not found on any chart of the coast. 

t A similar gap in the original. 

\ 30 or 40 miles off Titmanan is found about 100 fathoms. 

11 Some island to the eastward of Mt. Desert. 

3* 



42 

them ; they had not bene at anchor two howers, when there came a Span- 
ishe shallop to them from the shoar, in her eight salvadg men and a little 
salvadg boy, whoe at the first rowed about thorn and would not come 
abourd, notwithstanding, they proffered them bread, knives, beades, and 
other small trifles ; but having gazed awhile upon the ship they made 
shewe to departe : howbeyt when they were a little from them, they re- 
turned againe and boldly came up into the shipp, and three of them 
stayed all night abourd, the rest departed and went to the shoare, shew- 
ing by signes that they w^ould returne the next daye. 

The first of August, the same salvadges returned with three women 
with them in another bisky shallop, bringing with them many beaver 
skyns to exchaunge for knyves and beades : the saganio of that place they 
told them Messamot, seated upon a river not farr off, w^hich they called 
Emanuell. The salvadges departing, they hoisted out theire bote ; and the 
pilott. Captain R. Davies, with twelve others, rowed into the bay where- 
in their ship road, and landed on a galland island, where they found goose- 
berries, strawberries, raspiees, hurts,* ajid all the island full of hugh high 
trees of divers sorts : after they had delighted themselves there awhile, 
they returned abourd againe and observed the place to stand in 44 de- 
grees one-third. 

2. About midnight, the moone shining bright and the wynd being 
fayre, at nor-oast, they departed from this place, setting their course so- 
west, for soe the coast lieth. 

3. Early in the morning they were fairc by the shoare, a league from 
yt, and saw many islands of great bigness and many great sownds going 
betwixt them, but made proofe of none of them, but found great store of 
fish all along the coast. 

4. They were thwart of the cape c<r headland, which stands in 43 de- 
grees, the ship being in 42 degrees 50 minutes ; betwixt the place they 
were noio f at and the said cape or headland, yt is all full of islands and 
deepe sounds for any shipping to goe in by them, and where is exceeding 
good fishing for cod, great and small, bigger than what comes from the 
banck of the Newfoundland. This cape is lowland, shewing white like 
sand, but yt is all whit rocks, and a strong tyde goeth there. They ran 
within half a league of the cape, and from thence the land fell awaye 
and falls in from this headland, nor-west and by nore, and nor-west. They 
keept their course from this headland and came to three islands, w'here 
they found a ledge of rocks to the so-ward, which made them hale off 
from them, and the wynd being at nor-east, they passed them, keeping 
their coast still west and by south, and west so-west, untill twelve of the 
clock at niglit, and made from this headland, in all thirty leagues. J 

* Whortleberries, — the word still retained iu heraldry. 

t I think the word here printed, " now," should read "Jirst." The headland referred to, waa 
probably the south end of Long Island, or the Isle of Ilaut in about Latitude 44 deg. 

I The three islands with the ledg« of rocks, agree with the jMatinicus Islands and Hatinicug 
Bock, I am confident Strachey has made an error in stating that the vessels stood W. by S., 
and W. S. W. that nisht, as it would have been dead before the wind ; and as he just previously 
Bays they "Aau/erf q/''," '' is moreTeasonable to suppose that they stood on a wind off" shore, ^ 
heading about 8. E. This in fact is the only way to account for their being back in sight of 
these islands asain the next day, having stood in W. N. W, 



43 

5. They made a west nor- west way, from four of the clock in the mom" 
ing tintill three of the clock in the afternoone, and made fifteen leagues, 
and then they saw the land againe : for from the cape before named, they 
saw noe more land but those three islands untill now, in which tyme they 
run forty-five leagues, and the land bore of them, when they saw yt firste, 
nor-west and by north, and yt shewed yt self in this forme. [Here fol- 
lows a rough view of the land alluded to.] 

Nine leag-ues or more fi'om yt, there be three high mountains that lie in on 
the land, the land called Segohquet, neere about the river of Penobscot. 
They stood towards this high land untill twelve of the clock noone the 
next daye, and they found the ship to be by observation in 43. * 

6. From twelve of the clock noon they kept their course due west and 
came neere unto the three islands, lying low and flatt by the water, shew- 
ing white to the water as if it were sand ; but yt is white rock, making 
shew afar off almost like Dover Cliffes. There lyeth so-west from the 
easter-most of the three islands a white rockye island, and those other 
three islands lye one of the other east and west ;t soe they stood their 
course west fast by them, and as they stood to the w^estward, the high land 
before spoken made shewe of this forme, bearing of them then nore-nor- 
west. [Here follows a rough view of the land alluded to.] 

From hence they kept still their course west and by nore towards three 
other islands, which they saw lying from those islands eight leagues : and 
about ten of the clock at night, having sent in their boat before night to 
make yt, they bore in for one of them, the which they afterwards named 
St. George his Island ; they sounded all along as they came in, and found 
very deepe water, hard about yt forty fathome. In the morning they were 
envyrouned every way with islands, they told upward of thirty islands 
from abourd their shipp very good sayling out between them. J 

7. They weyed anchor, thereby to ride in more saffety howsoever the 
wind should happen to blow ; how be yt before they put from the island 
they found a crosse set up, one of the same which Captain George Wey- 
man, in his discovery, for all after occasions, left upon this island. Hav- 
ing sayled to the westward, they brought the high land before spoken of to 
be north, and then it shewed thus, — [Here follows a rough view of the 
land alluded to.] 

About midnight, Captain Gilbert caused his shipp's boat to be mannde 
with fourteen persons and the Indian Skidwares, (brought into England 
by Captain Wayman) and rowed to the westAvard from the shipp, to the 
river of Pamaquid, which they found to be four leagues distant from the 
shipp, where she road. The Indian brought them to the salvadges' hous- 
es, where they found a hundred men, women and ehildrene ; and theire 
chief commander, or sagamo, amongst them, named Nahanada, who had 
been brought likewise into England by Captain Wayman, and returned 

* There is a gap where the minutes of Latitude should be. It can scarcely be questioned that 
these mouutaius were the Camden Mountains ; their Latitude should have been about 43 deg., 
50 min. 

t Matinicus Islands, and Matinicus rock. 

I They came to anchor off theS. E. end of Allen's Island, where Waymouth's cross was erect- 
ed. The wind being still N, E., they were obliged to shift to the leeward of the Georges IslandSj 
to ride more securely. 



44 

thitlicr Ijy Captain Ilanam, setting forth for those parts and some part of 
Canada the year before ; at their first comyng the Indians betook them to 
their arms, their bows and arix)wes ; but after Nahanda had talked with 
Skidwares and perceived that they were Enghsh men, he caused them to 
Liy aside their bows and arrowes, and he himself came unto them and ym- 
braced them, and made them much welcome, and entertayned them with 
much chierfulness, and did they likewise him ; and after two howers thus 
enterchangeably spent, they retm-ned abourd againe. 

9. Sonday, the chief of both the shipps, with the greatest part of all 
the company, landed on the island where the crosso stood, the which they 
called St. George's Island, and heard a seraion delivered unto them by 
Mr. Seymour, his preacher, and so returned abourd again. 

10. Captain Popham manned his shallop, and Captain Gilbert his ship 
boat, witli fifty persons in both, and departed for the river of Pemaquid, 
carrieng with them Skidwares, and arrived in the mouthe of tlie river ; 
there came forth Nahanda, with all his company of Indians with their 
bows and arrowes in their handes. They being before his dwelling-house, 
would not willingly have all our people come on shoare, using them in all 
kind sort after their manner ; neverthelesse, after one hower, they all sud- 
denly withdrew themselves into the woodes, nor was Skidwares desirous to 
return with them any more abourd. Our people loth to proffer any vyo- 
lence unto him by drawing him by force, suffered him to stay behind, 
promising to returne to them the next day following, but he did not. Af- 
ter his departure they imbarked themselves, and rowed to the further side 
of the river and there remayned on the shoare for that night. 

11. They returned to their shipps towards the evening, where they still 
road under St. George's Island. 

12. They weyed anchors and sett saile to goe for the river of Sachade- 
hoe ; they had little wynd and kept their course west. 

13. They were south of the island of Sutquin, a league from yt, and 
yt riseth in this form hereunder ; but they did not take yt to be Sutquin. 
[Here follows a view of Seguin.] 

Soe the weather being very faire, they sought the islande further to the 
westward;* but at length fynding that they had overshottyt, they bore up 
helme, but were soon becalmed ; by which means they were constreyned to 
remayn at sea, when about midnight there arose a mighty storme upon 
them, which put them in great danger, by reason they were so neere the 
shoare and could not gett off, the wynd all the while at south, and yt blew 
very stiffe, soe as they were compelled to turn yt to and agayne, hard 
abourd the lee shoare, many rocks and islands under their lee hard by 
them ; but, God be thanckcd, they escaped untill yt was daye, the storme 
still contynuyng untill noone the next daye. 

14. Soe soon as the daye gave light, they perceaved that they were 
hard alwurd the shore, in the bay they were in the dale before, which made 
them look out for some place to thrust in the shipp to save their lives ; for 
towing the long boat, yt laye suncke at the stcrne two howers and more, 
yett would they not cutt her off, lyving in hope to save her ; so bearing 

* They were searching for "Sutquin," (Seguin.) 

l. .. . 



45 

up helme, they stood in right with the shoare, when anon they perceaved 
two little islands, to which they made, and there they found (God be 
thancked) good anchoring, where they rode tintill the storme break, 
which was the nest daie after. Here they freed their boat, and had her 
ashore to repair her, being much torne and spoiled- These islands are 
two leagues to the westward of Sachadehoc, Upon one of them they 
went on shoare, and found four salvadges and one woman. These islands 
all rockye and full of pine trees. 

15- The storme ended, and the wynd came fair for them to goe for 
Sachadehoe, the river whether they were bound to and enjoyned to make 
their plantacion in ; soe they weyed anchor and sett saiie, and came to the 
eastward and found the island of Sutquin, and anchored under yt, foi the 
wynd was of the shoare, by which they could not gett into Sachadehoe ; 
yet Capt. Popham, with the fly-boat, gott in- 

16. In the morning, Capt. Popham sent his shallop to help in the 
Mary and John, which weyed anchor, and being calme, was sooue towed 
in and anchored by the Guift's syde.* 

17. Capt. Popham, in his pynnace, with thirty persons, and Capt. 
Gilbert in his long boat, with eighteen persons more, went early in the 
morning from their ship into the river Sachadehoe, to view the river, and 
to search where they might find a fitt place for their plantacion. They 
sayled up into the river neere forty leagues, and found yt to be a very 
gallant river, very deepe, and seldome lesse water than three fathome, 
when they found sest rf whereupon they proceeded no farther, but in their 
returne homewards they observed many goodly islands therein, and many 
braunches of other small rivers falling into yt. 

18. They all went ashore, and there made choise of a place for their 
plantacion,! at the mouth or entry of the ryver on the west side (for the 
river bendeth yt self towards the nor-east, and by east), being almost an 
island, of a good bignes, being in a province called by the Indians Sa- 
bino, so called of a sagamore or chief commaunder under the grand bas- 
saba. 

* This ship, it will be remembered, was called the " Gift of God." 

t Query, rest — as in our old word " zeat," an afternoon's nap ; as, " to go to one's zegt,"— 
from " siesta." — Port. 

t Belknap, in his " American Biography," says that they landed on a peninsula ; but in the 
Collections of the Massachusetts llistoricalSociety it is called Parker's Island, which, according to 
the MS. map already alluded to, is formed by the waters of the Kennebec on the west, Jeremy- 
squam Bay on the east, the sea on the south, and a small strait dividing it from Arrowsic Island 
on the north. It is called Parker's Island because it was purchased of the natives, in 1650, by 
one John Parker, who was the first occupant aftei the year 1608, when this colony was 
broken up. 

Strachey says, " They all went ashore, and there made choise of a place for their plantacion, at 

the mouth or entry of the ryver on the west side, being almost an island." If he had 

cbanged the last three words of the foregoing into the term peninsula, which exactly expresses 
the Idea, there could have been no pretence that the colonists landed on an island. In fact, no 
writer but the late Governor James Sullivan, who wrote the paper in the Massachusetts Histori- 
cal Collections referred to by the English editor, has advanced the idea that an island was the 
first landing place of the colony. 

In 1807, at the completion of two centuries from the landing described above, a party of gen- 
tlemen from Bath visited the mouth of Kennebec Klver, and examined the supposed place 
where these colonists attempted to form their settlement. To the spot that bore evidence of the 
best claim to this distinction, and which is on a " peninsula," they gave the name of Point Pop- 
ham, which it retains. There are, besides, abundant evidences of settlements, anciently, on the 
southern extremity of Parker's Island, as well as at Stage Island, fnai which the inhabitant;} 
were driven by the natives about 1630- 










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